Abstract
This article employs the notions of exclusivism and inclusivism to categorise the responses of prospective Islamic religion teachers towards various Islamic religious sects. Despite the prevalent criticism surrounding the perceived oversimplification and a lack of insight provided by the two typologies, we have found them to be valuable tools for elucidating the phenomena under investigation. Quantitative data were collected from 154 respondents using questionnaires containing multiple-choice questions. Data frequency, cross-tabulation and gamma values are statistical techniques employed to analyse and characterise data and ascertain the nature of their associations or dependencies. This study provides evidence indicating that a significant proportion of prospective Islamic religious teachers had a worldview characterised by exclusivity. Their exclusivist stance is seen in their acknowledgment of sects that deviate from their own, such as Wahhabism, Shia, and those engaging in non-scriptural forms of worship. Some individuals agree with the designation of heretical being attributed to those who adhere to distinct religious worship customs. Moreover, these individuals perceive contentious theological assertions, such as those made by Sheikh Panji Gumilang, as warped, misguided and beyond redemption.
Contribution: This study implies the need to review and reconstruct higher education curricula to prepare prospective Islamic religion teachers who are moderate, tolerant, inclusive, and uphold human rights.
Keywords: inclusivism; exclusivism; prospective Islamic religious teachers; Islamic sects; Sunni; Wahhabism; Shia.
Introduction
Prospective Islamic religion teachers occupy a crucial position in the future structure of the religious education system in Indonesia. The fate and future of students, for one, are determined by their competence, personality, attitude, behaviour, character, and mindset. Indeed, many factors determine students’ success after they graduate from school. After all, teachers are the main variable of student success (Blazar & Kraft 2016:146–170). The future issues of the world community: sustainable consumption and production, climate change, and human rights (UNESCO 2021) demand profiles of teachers who value and uphold gender equality, cultural diversity, tolerance and inclusiveness (UNESCO 2007). In order to cultivate attitudes and behaviours of moderate and tolerance among students, it is imperative that religious teachers should embody these qualities of moderation and tolerance. For example, research by Bergamaschi et al. (2022) in France showed that when students saw their teacher discuss issues of racism, discrimination and cultural diversity in class, their intolerance decreased. Unfortunately, research by Wahyono et al. (2022:467–508) on elementary school teachers in one of the education cities in Indonesia shows a tendency towards intolerance among them. The intolerance tendency of elementary school teachers is shown, among other things, by their low appreciation of local culture. In a previous study, Maulana (2017) identified a rise in radicalism and intolerance within educational institutions, attributing it to the influence of teachers’ approaches to interpretation, comprehension and learning activities. Teachers have been identified as one of the agents responsible for the manifestation of intolerance within educational institutions (Chamidi 2020). According to a study conducted by Afriansyah and Seftiani (2020), the efficacy of schools in addressing intolerance and radicalism remains limited.
The role of teachers in cultivating tolerant attitudes and behaviours among pupils holds implications for the need to equip prospective teachers with the qualities of moderation, tolerance and inclusivity. Prospective teachers, specifically those specialising in Islamic religious subjects, should undergo training to cultivate an inclusive mindset and to refrain from imparting teachings that promote extremism, bigotry, ‘holy ignorance’ (Hasannia 2021:25–45) and radicalism. In the context of a heterogeneous Indonesian culture, students’ future attitudes and behaviours are anticipated to be shaped by the presence of potential Islamic religion lecturers who embody moderation, tolerance and inclusivity qualities. As a nation characterised by multiculturalism, Indonesia is home to a broad array of religious factions within its Muslim population. Hull (2012:195–209) aptly characterises this situation as ‘the most complex mosaic of Islamic sects’.
At certain times, issues and polemics about Islamic sects in Indonesia have been dim and not attractive to discuss. Scholars seem bored and tired of studying this issue, which is historically more closely intertwined with bargaining positions, political intervention or compromise solutions (Brown 2019:397–414). However, the issue of sects in Islam seems to have risen again and attracted scholars to re-examine the issue from various perspectives and points of view (Ferguson, Ecklund & Rothschild 2021:1–14). The issue of sects within Islam has strengthened along with the flood of internet and social media use, which has changed how people communicate and share news. Apart from the internet and social media, however, the rise of sects in Islam is also triggered by radicalism and terrorism, which are often associated with certain sects in Islam (Schmidt 2018:32–67).
Let us engage in online forums or discussion threads hosted on diverse social media platforms that centre around the discourse surrounding variations in schools of thought or sects within the Islamic faith. We may inevitably encounter words and comments that are offensive and lacking in civility, which may elicit feelings of shock and astonishment. The prevalence of profanity, accusations, bullying, insults, personal assaults, deception and hate speech is evident in online forums and discussion threads on social media platforms (Alexandra & Satria 2023:135–176). Typically, the religious factions that experience the most frequency of targeted aggression include the Shia, Ahmadiyya and Wahhabi sects. These three religious factions exhibit notable disparities, encompassing theological perspectives as well as practices associated with worship. The three sects frequently encounter allegations and verbal assaults on social media from the traditional religious community, which constitutes the predominantly Muslim population in Indonesia.
Over the past decade, Indonesia has witnessed the emergence of a distinct branch of Salafism that exhibits ideological variations from its Arab counterparts. The emergence and growth of Salafism in Indonesia, as conceptualised by Roy (2010) can be understood as a manifestation of deculturation within the context of globalisation. This phenomenon entails a deliberate disassociation from cultural ties and norms. In contrast to the manifestation of Salafism in the Arab Region, including in Iraq, Syria and Libya, which frequently engages in violent and terrorist activities, the majority of Indonesian Salafism demonstrates a stance that is opposed to acts of violence, particularly terrorism. Indonesian Salafism represents an inclusive ideological framework that appeals to Muslim communities seeking to revitalise the revered al-Salaf al-Salih legacy. The Prophet Muhammad and his companions once practiced this puritan religious tradition. Indeed, in Indonesia, some communities specifically claim to be adherents of the sect of Salafism (Hasan 2018; Masduki 2022:59–84; Rosadi 2022:59–84). However, Indonesian Salafism is an ideology that is embraced by several Muslim communities from various religious backgrounds, especially those from the Islamic Unity organisation (Persis) (Fauzan & Fata 2022:141–155), Muhammadiyah (Boy-ZTF 2019:135–147), Wahdah Islamiyah (Chaplin 2018:208–223). Salafism is not a formal ideology of these organisations but rather a mode of thinking of the individuals within these organisations. Recently, several Muslim communities that were previously close to, or even part of, Nahdlatul Ulama, are suspected of having made an ideological ‘hijrah’ close to Salafism.
However, proponents of Salafism frequently level accusations of heresy or innovation (bid’ah) against older religious organisations, particularly those associated with NU and adherents of Sufism (Hanafi et al. 2022:1–27; Svensson 2013). Bid’ah is a worship practice that was never carried out by the Prophet and his companions (Haq, Muchtia & Mukhlis 2021:225–237). There are a number of traditional Muslims religious community worship rituals which those with a Salafi ideology are accused of bid’ah: commemorating the birth [mawlīd] of the Prophet, tahlilan events of death, making pious people intermediaries with God [tawassul], the tradition of reading Surah Yasin [yasinan] at the time of certain times, prayer at the beginning and end of the year, fasting at the beginning of the Hijriyah year, seeking blessings at the graves of pious people, remembrance in congregation after the obligatory prayers, the celebration of the Hijri new year, celebration of the Prophet’s Isra’ Mi’raj.
Ahmadiyah and Syi’ah, two religious factions within Islam in Indonesia, have a notable tendency to refrain from engaging in sectarian disputes on social media platforms. Despite facing verbal and physical attacks and threats from members of other Islamic sects in Indonesia, the phenomenon of ‘segregated citizenship’ has been observed among the majority of Indonesian Muslims, as observed by Simandjuntak (2021:88–107). This practice involves prioritising the values and interests of the majority while marginalising and discriminating against certain minority groups that are deemed ‘accepted’ or ‘unaccepted’. According to Irawan et al. (2022:53–76), adherents of the Ahmadiyya sect have a preference for advocating religious freedom and projecting a peaceful image, as opposed to retaliating against the attacks and threats directed at them. In the context of Indonesia, Miichi and Kayane (2020:51–64) assert that the Shia community exhibits a preference for establishing a unified network with the dominant factions, NU and Muhammadiyah, as a strategic measure to safeguard against potential hostilities from intolerant factions.
Literature review
In order to discern and chart the responses of prospective Islamic religious teachers towards various Islamic sects, we utilise the typologies of exclusivism and inclusivism. Critics may argue that the utilisation of the two typologies is excessively reductionist and contrived, akin to the critiques put out by McDermott and Netland (2014) regarding Alan Race’s (1983) three typologies: inclusivism, exclusivism and pluralism. Nevertheless, the two categories utilised in this research are most relevant to the examined phenomenon.
Inclusivism refers to the belief that a person’s religion is the only true religion, but they believe that adherents of other religions can also achieve salvation and obtain happiness in heaven someday (Anton 2018:170–190). On the other hand, religious exclusivism is a belief that only recognises the truth of one’s own religion while believing that other religions are heretical and therefore will not achieve salvation (Brecht 2012:33–54). Inclusivism and exclusivism are two typologies in religious studies besides pluralism. Within the religious studies field, there is a prevalent categorisation consisting of three typologies: inclusivism, exclusivism and pluralism. However, for the purpose of our analysis, we will solely focus on the utilisation of inclusivism and exclusivism. The deliberate exclusion of the third category, pluralism, facilitates the mapping and exploration of interreligious relations among prospective religious educators in Indonesia. Alan Race (1983) developed three typologies to elucidate the manner in which faiths, specifically Christianity, respond to the phenomena of religious diversity. Subsequently, these three typologies gained popularity within the field of religious studies and the examination of religious phenomena. Indeed, this typology was also embraced by researchers who had previously engaged in the field of religious studies, including John Hick (1989) and Paul F. Knitter (1995).
Gavin D’Costa (1995) is a consistent and influential proponent and advocate of the Alan Race’s typology. By D’Costa, Christian exclusivism is defined as ‘only those who hear the gospel and explicitly confess Christ will be saved’. Christian inclusivism is interpreted as ‘Christ is God’s normative revelation, although salvation is possible outside the Christian Church, but salvation is always from Christ’. Meanwhile, Christian pluralism is defined as ‘all religions are the same and valid way to one divine reality and Christ is one revelation among many equally important revelations’ (D’Costa 1995). D’Cosna’s idea was generally accepted as the definition of these three terms, at least during the last decade of the 20th century (Lai 2009:177–201; Mendoza 2010:23–38; Pawlikowski 2012:629–640; Tilley 2007:447–454).
It must be admitted that Race’s typology, which later became known as the Standard Threefold Typology, received much criticism from contemporary scholars and theologians. Some say the three typologies are obstacles to the progress of discussions about how religious people should understand and relate to other pluralistic religious communities (Ariarajah 2017:462–473); McDermott and Netland (2014) called its ‘overuse’, ‘oversimplification’ and even ‘misleading’. David Burrell considers the three typologies illuminating (Burrell 1994); according to Terry Muck (2002), the three typologies have become tools of polemic driven by ideology. In Kärkkäinen’s view (2003), exclusivism, inclusivism and pluralism carry negative connotations and are, therefore, biased.
While some scholars and theologians provide criticism of the three typologies of exclusivism, inclusivism and pluralism, other scholars see the need for additional types or other typologies as an alternative to enrich discussions about interreligious relations. Those who offer additional types include Alister McGrath (2007), who proposes a type of parallelism; Paul Hedges (2008) suggests a type of particularity; Jyri Komulainen (2005) initiated the post-pluralistic type; Paul F. Knitter (2002) proposed an acceptance model. While those who offer other typologies as an alternative include Paul Varo Martinson, who proposed three typologies previously initiated by George Linbeck: categorial, ontological, and intrasystematic (Martinson 1987); James Kraft argues that Ted Peter’s three typologies: confessional exclusivism, confessional universalism, and supra-confessional universalism are more helpful approaches to interreligious dialogue (Kraft 1998); and Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen (2003) offer three other typologies: ecclesiocentrism, Christocentrism and theocentrism as an alternative to interreligious dialogue from a Christian perspective.
Although the typologies of inclusivism and exclusivism are more often used in the study of interreligious relations, in this study, the two typologies were adopted to understand the response of prospective Islamic religion teachers to the plurality of sects in Islam. It is not easy to map the various religious sects in Islam. The complexity of variables in the Muslim community makes mapping the plurality of schools or schools of thought in Islam not easy. However, we can map it by referring to the results of studies by previous scholars. Abdel-Fadil (2011) proposes wasatiyyah and salafiyyah typologies; Al-Qaradhawi (2014), Ibrahim (2021), and Wahab and Omar (2012) choose to use salaf and khalaf typologies; Saada (2020) uses salafi and liberal or progressive typologies; Inge (2017) and Centeno and Enriquez (2016) distinguish between Salafi, Shia and Sunni and some scholars make a distinction between salafi and sufi (Brown 2011; Knysh 2007:503–530). Exclusivism in this study is more accurately interpreted as a mentality characterised by ignoring or setting aside opinions, ideas and beliefs that are different from one’s own, or which asserts that only one way is right and the others are wrong, and the right way is only one’s own way. Meanwhile, inclusivism is a mentality that sees beauty in different schools of thought that differences are inevitable, and that they can live together in harmony.
Method
The research employed a quantitative survey methodology. Quantitative data are employed in order to delineate the response of prospective Islamic religious teachers towards prevailing Islamic religious sects and concerns in Indonesia. By analysing the provided quantitative data, it is possible to ascertain the presence of an inclusive or exclusive mentality among prospective Islamic religion teachers. The quantitative data collection tool employs multiple-choice surveys that are disseminated to participants via Google Forms. Data were gathered from a sample of 154 participants who were selected randomly from a pool of prospective Islamic religion teachers. These individuals are currently in the process of completing their undergraduate studies at several Islamic universities in Indonesia. The data pertaining to the respondents were collected from the Higher Education Database maintained by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology of the Republic of Indonesia. Once the identification of the respondents from the database was completed, the subsequent step involved reaching out to the study programme managers at each university in order to facilitate the dissemination of the questionnaires among the identified respondents. Data analysis is predicated upon the examination of data frequencies and the exploration of associations among grouped data. The cross-tabulation test procedure is employed to ascertain the relationship between data by utilising the gamma value. The utilisation of gamma analysis is predicated upon the premise that the measurement level for all data adheres to an ordinal scale.
Ethical considerations
This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.
Results
The collection of 154 data points indicates that prospective Islamic religion instructors in Indonesia hold divergent opinions, with a split tendency, regarding religious sects within Islam and the most pressing religious issues in Indonesia today. Regarding the statement that individuals outside the Sunni sect are deviant (Q1), the majority of respondents agreed (50%), unsure (14.9%), and opposed (35.1%). Regarding the statement that those who practice religious rituals outside the provisions of the scriptures are heretics (Q2), the majority of respondents concurred (70.8%), were unsure (12.3%), or disagreed (16.8%). Responses to the statement that individuals who practice worship differently than the respondent’s worship practice are misguided (Q3) and vary among respondents. A total of 24% concurred with this statement, 25.3% were undecided, and 50.6% disagreed, as shown in Table 1.
| TABLE 1: Responses of prospective Islamic religion teachers to other Islamic sects. |
Meanwhile, with regard to the response of prospective Islamic religion teachers to statements about the heresy of Wahhabism (Q4), as many as 41.6% agreed, 25.3% doubted, and 28.6% disagreed. Almost the same response was obtained from prospective Islamic religious teachers to statements about the deviance of adherents of the Shia sect (Q5): 49.4% agreed, 29.9% were undecided, and 20.8% disagreed, as shown in Table 2.
| TABLE 2: Responses of prospective Islamic religion teachers to the Wahhabi and Shia sects. |
The prevailing Islamic religious matter that has garnered significant attention in Indonesia pertains to the contentious remarks made by Sheikh Panji Gumilang (SPG), the esteemed figurehead of Al-Zaytun Islamic Boarding School, which have been widely disseminated across various social media platforms. Comments on this subject were also sought from prospective teachers of the Islamic religion. When questioned about their opinions on the assertion that the SPG remarks were deviant (Q6), a significant majority of prospective Islamic religion teachers, specifically 83.8%, expressed agreement. A smaller proportion, 13%, remained undecided, while a little 3.2% openly disagreed. Does this imply that SPG is deviating from its intended path? In response to question 7, a majority of respondents (77.9%) indicated their adherence to heretical beliefs, while a smaller proportion (19.5%) expressed uncertainty. Only a minority (2.6%) asserted their alignment with orthodox views. Given the substantial proportion of participants’ responses indicating that the SPG is characterised by deviance and misguidedness, it is unsurprising that most of them believe that the SPG will not be salvaged (Q8), as depicted in Table 3.
| TABLE 3: Responses of prospective Islamic religion teachers to the issue of Sheikh Panji Gumilang. |
The obtained scores are further categorised into three groups: V1, V2 and V3. The V1 dataset comprises three distinct categories of answer data pertaining to prospective for Islamic religious teachers: individuals belonging to non-Sunni sects, those engaging in worship activities that lack instruction from religious scriptures, and variations in worship rituals. V2 refers to the amalgamation of the reactions exhibited by aspiring Islamic educators towards the pejorative categorisations associated with Wahhabism and Shia. In the context of the aforementioned situation, V3 serves as a manifestation of the reaction exhibited by aspiring Islamic religious educators towards the contentious attitudes and conduct displayed by Sheikh Panji Gumilang (SPG). Table 4 displays the gamma values for the three variables.
| TABLE 4: Gamma values between variables. |
From Table 4, it appears that the responses of prospective Islamic religious teachers to three aspects of difference: non-Sunni sects, practices of worship without guidance from the scriptures, and differences in worship rituals are associated with their agreement to label Wahhabism and Shia sects heretical with a gamma value of 0.371 and significant (0.000). The gamma value can be interpreted as ‘evidence of strong association’ (Babbie, Halley & Zaino 2007:229). Prospective Islamic religious teachers who view other sects as heretical, adopt religious practices outside the holy book, or whose worship is different from theirs tend to agree with the labels of heretical Wahhabism or Shia sects. Gamma value analysis also shows that the responses of prospective Islamic religious teachers to three aspects of difference: non-Sunni sects, worship practices without the guidance of scriptures and differences in worship rituals have strong associations (evidence of strong association) with their responses to agreeing to deviant and heretical labels that addressed to the SPG with a Gamma value of 0.431 and significant (0.000). Analysis of the latest gamma value shows that prospective Islamic religion teachers who agree with the label heretical towards Wahhabism and Shi’a sects tend to agree with the label heretical against SPG with a gamma value of 0.571 and significant (0.000), which means ‘proven strong association’ (evidence of strong association).
Discussion
The aforementioned findings indicate that the response of prospective Islamic religion teachers towards the Islamic sects discussed in this research is characterised by a divide between the perspectives of exclusivism and inclusivism. The category of exclusivism, as defined by Brecht (2012) and D’Costa (1995) is pinned on prospective Islamic religious teachers who agree to the heretical label for non-Sunni sects, or those who practice worship outside of the instructions of the scriptures, or those who simply practice worship as different from the respondents of this study. They agree with the view that members of these sects are heretical. In fact, 70.8% of prospective Islamic religious teachers agree with the heretical label aimed at those who practice worship outside of the guidance of the scriptures. The diversity of claims regarding the practice of worship, regardless of their alignment with scriptural texts is evident. Within this context, several worship regulations fall into a realm of ambiguity. These regulations are influenced, among other factors, by variations in the understanding and interpretation of Islamic doctrinal sources, the Quran and Hadith. Nonetheless, endorsing perspectives that categorise those outside their religious faction as heretical is an exclusionary mindset that, in our viewpoint, should not be associated with the identity of prospective Islamic religious teachers.
Furthermore, a significant proportion of prospective Islamic religious teachers expressed their willingness to categorise followers of the Wahhabi sect (41.6%) and the Shia sect (49.4%) as heretical. This discovery is intriguing because it highlights the ideological inconsistencies between Wahhabis and Shiites, two distinct sects within Islam. The Wahhabi sect and the Shia sect engage in intense conflict with each other. The two factions are frequently perceived as competing for power and influence within different Muslim communities. According to Centeno and Enriquez (2016), the Wahhabi sects, which serve as the doctrinal embodiment of Salafism, together with the Shia and Sunni sects, are recognised as three distinct factions that exhibit mutual hostility against one another, encompassing both ideological and political dimensions. The views of future Islamic religious teachers in Indonesia towards the Wahhabi and Shia sects show their strong exclusivity. To the recent controversial statements by SPG on social media, prospective Islamic religion teachers have responded more strongly. As much as 83.8% agreed that the SPG was deviant, 77.9% agreed with the deviant label for SPG, and 56.5% agreed that the SPG would not be saved.
The exclusivism of prospective Islamic religious teachers, marked by their negative views of other religious sects and towards one of the controversial issues that have emerged in Indonesia recently, is indeed proven to be evidence of strong association with one another. The gamma value on the association between ordinal data in this study proves that an exclusive attitude will follow exclusive views of other sects and tend to declare ‘deviating’, ‘heretical’, or ‘unsaved’ towards anyone who has a different view from his own. The findings in this study indicate that the future of the religious education system in Indonesia faces serious challenges. The UNESCO Strategy 2022–2029 to develop skills for an inclusive and peaceful society (UNESCO 2022) deals with the fact that most teachers still have an exclusive mentality. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization’s 2030 educational vision to develop education for sustainable development or Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) and Global Citizenship Education (GCED) will face serious challenges if prospective teachers have an exclusive mentality because UNESCO’s 2030 educational vision can only be achieved if teachers value and uphold gender equality, cultural diversity, tolerance and inclusiveness (UNESCO 2007, 2021).
Indeed, some prospective inclusive teachers reject and do not agree with views that mislead other sects, or those who practice worship outside of the guidance of the scriptures, or those who differ in their worship practices. Unfortunately, only a small proportion of respondents (21.3%) have an inclusive attitude, as interpreted by Anton (2018), compared to those who have an exclusive attitude (56.75). Uniquely, the findings of this study show the similarity in numbers between exclusive Islamic religion teacher candidates and those whom Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen (2003) calls ecclesiocentrism. Both exclusive and ecclesiocentrism categories share the same rate, 21.3%.
The prevalence of exclusivist attitudes among prospective Islamic religion teachers and the consensus on the need for future teachers to possess an inclusive mindset have significant implications for the necessity of revising and reconstructing the educational curriculum. This revision aims to adequately equip prospective teachers with the values of inclusivity, encompassing respect for pluralism, diversity, gender equality, tolerance, human rights and multiculturalism. Policymakers within the sector of higher education, specifically the Ministry of Religion and the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology, should actively promote and offer assistance to university administrators in their efforts to evaluate and revamp the higher education curriculum. This is particularly crucial for study programmes falling under the purview of the faculty of education and teacher training [tarbiyah]. The significance of this endeavour lies in the fact that the curriculum of the higher education system plays a crucial role in shaping the distinctiveness of aspiring Islamic religion instructors.
However, it is important to acknowledge the limitations and flaws of this study, as it solely aims to uncover a restricted set of facts based on the questions posed by the research instrument. In order to acquire comprehensive data, it is imperative to employ qualitative research methods, including in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and participant observation. These techniques enable researchers to gather detailed information and data pertaining to the mindset of potential Islamic religious instructors.
Conclusion
While some scholars argue that the typologies of exclusivism and inclusivism oversimplify complex phenomena and may not provide comprehensive insights or accurate representations, these typologies offer valuable tools for understanding the mindset of prospective religious teachers when dealing with Islamic religious sects in Indonesia. This study provides evidence to support the existence of a significant number of potential Islamic religious teachers who possess a mindset characterised by exclusivity. Their exclusivist stance is characterised by a willingness to designate sects outside their own, such as Wahhabism, Shia, or anyone who engages in worship practices that deviate from the scriptures, as heretical. Indeed, several individuals concur with the designation of heretical being assigned to those whose religious rituals and observances diverge from their own. Moreover, these individuals perceive contentious theological assertions, such as the instance of Sheikh Panji Gumilang examined in this study, as distorted, misdirected and irreparable.
In order to ensure the advancement of education in Indonesia, it is imperative to cultivate a teaching workforce that embraces an inclusive mindset. This entails fostering a deep appreciation for pluralism, diversity, gender equality, tolerance, human rights, and multiculturalism among educators. The findings of this study prompt us to critically evaluate and revamp the higher education curriculum, particularly in the context of educating educators for Islamic religious instruction. In addition to this, with respect to the inclusive and exclusive mindset of educators, it is imperative to do comprehensive research in order to get thorough and comprehensive understanding.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to express their gratitude to Prof. Dr Fadlil Munawwar Manshur, Prof. Dr Djaswidi Al Hamdani, M.Pd., Dr Abdul Azsis, and Dr Sumadi, M. Ag., for their valuable feedback, which significantly enhanced the quality of the work. They would also like to express their appreciation to Dr Fadlil Yani Ainusyamsi, M. Ag; Selamet, M.Pd.I.; and Dr N. Hani Herlina for their valuable insights provided during this study.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors’ contributions
H.H. and H.B. made substantial contributions throughout the entirety of the study process, encompassing the conceptualisation of ideas, formulation of theories, analysis of data and writing of the manuscripts.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability
The data that support the findings of this study are openly available in https://docs.google.com/forms. These data were derived from the following resources available in the public domain https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1urpgR6h91dx99LTd8S2DbA-3o8hBbMN6ac_9J5UeWOo/edit#responses.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors, and the publisher.
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