Abstract
The legacy of apartheid spatial planning can still be seen in the dynamics of spaces in South Africa today. The elite (according to research is racialised and mostly white people) lives in well-located city areas, close to economic activity and rule social life that defines cities as stated in 2016 by the Socio Economic Rights Institute of South Africa (SERI). Alternatively, mostly black South Africans are confined to urban margins in densified and poorly serviced areas, with low rates of home ownership. The effects of these policies extend beyond the urban nature, as spaces on the margin by design tend to have fewer opportunities for education compared to urban areas, and there are spatial limits to black business ownership. This article seeks to discuss a case study on a church’s use of space during coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), to show an inclusionary spatial dynamic that may be used in South African spaces. Firstly, it presents an overview of the unequal spatial dynamics in South Africa, particularly Cape Town, and dynamics during COVID-19. Secondly, it provides a historical overview of the Church of the Nazarene and its foundational beliefs. Moreover, it discusses a case study of renewed spatial dynamic in church using the Church of the Nazarene in Khayelitsha. Furthermore, the case study will be used to show the innovative way they reached their community during this time. The final part will discuss how this inclusive spatial dynamic reveals an innovative dynamic in the concept of the missional church, one that goes beyond the going out contextually, but allowing the outside in as well.
Contribution: This article discusses the new spatial dynamic of the missional church which inspires inclusivity. The article uses literature around space, COVID-19, mission studies and church history. Furthermore, a semi-structured interview with a church leader at the Church of the Nazarene in Khayelitsha is used for a contextual case study.
Keywords: Cape Town; apartheid; spatial justice; church history; spatial planning; Church of the Nazarene.
Introduction and background
Spaces have been contested the world over and carry power dynamics. Spaces are not abstract but are socially constructed (Zieleniec 2018:5). South Africa has a fractured land space dynamic, which has been formed through forceful policies. Apartheid city planning was designed to keep black and brown people and workers away from ‘white’ areas1 (Socio Economic Rights Institute of South Africa [SERI] 2016:4). Maylam describes Apartheid-era urban policy as attaining ‘labour-power without labourers’ (SERI 2016:4). The Apartheid government formed three main policies points to reach this objective: the expansion of existing pass laws, the marginalising of black urban enclaves and the creation of the black ‘homelands’ (SERI 2016:4). Numerous cities in South Africa carry the effects of this policy-making (Charlton & Rubin 2021:36). There were national acts like the 1923 Urban Areas Act, which sought to ‘to eliminate slums, separate racial groups and, under the guise of providing better sanitation … push poorer communities out of the city centre’ (Charlton & Rubin 2021:36).
The legacy of the Apartheid spatial planning can still be seen in the dynamics of spaces in South Africa today. The elite lives (which in research is found to still be mostly white people) in well-located city areas, close to economic activity and rule social life that defines cities (SERI 2016:5). Alternatively, mostly black and brown people are confined to urban margins in densified and poorly serviced areas, with low rates of home ownership (SERI 2016:5). The effects of these policies extend beyond the urban nature, as spaces on the margin by design tend to have fewer opportunities for education compared to central urban areas, and there are spatial limits to black business ownership (SERI 2016:5). It is as a result of these land space dynamics that South Africa’s contemporary cities are frequently called ‘Apartheid cities’ (SERI 2016:5).
The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic is a worldwide phenomenon that has affected all spheres of life over the last 4 years. The pandemic has altered life for people across the world. In South Africa, the most vulnerable have been exposed to the effects of the pandemic much more deeply through dislocation from well-located areas during the initial COVID-19 lockdown measures implemented in April 2020 (IOL 2020). Edward Soja explains this inequality using South African cities and Paris as examples of exclusion based on class and race (2010). His theorisation of spatial justice begins with marking spatial injustice (Soja 2010). These exclusions are stated as spatial unjust (Soja 2010). Street-based people,2 in particular, have received disproportionately poor services and assistance during the pandemic, with some areas like the Western Cape moving the street-based people to a tent camp with little resources (IOL 2020). The increased amount of street-based people reflects a sense of socio-economic exclusion in South Africa (De Beer & Vally 2021:5), which is reflected spatially.
With continuous unequal spatial dynamics and a particular weakness in support for the street-based and poor during the COVID-19 pandemic, can a new spatial dynamic based in the church go further than a Sunday service and to justice within its community? Can the new spatial dynamic create the possibility of a new dynamic of the missional church that pushes toward a reversed action of letting the broken and poor in?
This article aims to answer whether an inclusionary spatial dynamic shown in a case study reveals an innovative missional church and if it might help in pushing toward spatial inclusion and justice. Firstly, it presents an overview of the unequal spatial dynamics in South Africa, particularly Cape Town, during COVID-19. Secondly, there is a historical overview of the Church of the Nazarene to provide context of the church being discussed. Thirdly, a case study of an inclusive spatial dynamic in church using the Church of the Nazarene in Khayelitsha is discussed. Also, the case study will be used to show the inclusive way they reached their community during a time of distance. The final part will discuss how this spatial dynamic reveals a dynamic based in the concept of the missional church, one that goes beyond the going out contextually, but allowing the outside in as well. Furthermore, the links of the case study and inclusionary space to spatial justice are discussed.
Space and coronavirus disease 2019 in Cape Town
The Socio-Economic Rights Institute (SERI) of South Africa’s 2016 Edged Out report finds that the Apartheid city plan still exists, with mostly white elite living in resourced and well-located areas even after the dawn of democracy (SERI 2016:5–6). Interestingly, private developers prefer to develop in already-developed areas, leaving impoverished areas undeveloped and entrenching spatial rifts (SERI 2016:6). Governmental efforts to persuade the private sector to invest in impoverished areas have been largely resisted by developers in a resolute and powerful industry, whereas property owners have organised into strong lobbies to protect their interests (Turok in SERI 2016:6).
The above has made clear that space is not merely an abstract form but is socially produced and controlled through capital and power. In South Africa, these statements are made clear through the still-evident Apartheid city-planning that excludes certain bodies from certain spaces. Now, can the church be a part of an active resistance of exclusive spatial systems and can this resistance point to an inclusive spatial dynamic?
Apartheid spatial planning in South Africa and Cape Town
The urban areas of South Africa were built under colonial and apartheid legal structures. The urban structures of the country were built in four eras: pre-1923, 1923–1950, 1950–1979 and post-1979 (Maylam 1990:58). Pre-1923, there was a low level of African urbanisation (Maylam 1990:58). The African rural base did receive stresses in the 19th century but still maintained a subsistence base (Maylam 1990:58). In Kimberley and Johannesburg, the discovery of precious metals created a rigorous set of urban labour yet unseen in South Africa (Maylam 1990:58–59). Both cities used closed compounds to house labourers (Maylam 1990:59).
During this time of growth in mining cities, there were other black Africans living in the cities who were not a part of the mining labour community (Maylam 1990:59). These people lived in growing townships (Maylam 1990:59). While Johannesburg and Kimberley initially formed its urban structures around mining, Cape Town and Durban had different foundations (Maylam 1990:60). Cape Town was primarily a commercial centre and administrative capital (Maylam 1990:60). The start of residential segregation in Cape Town coincided with large numbers of black Africans arriving in the city because of dock work (Maylam 1990:61). In the year 1890, the Dock location was opened for dock workers (Maylam 1990:61).
In the second and third phases, the state control of where people lived and how segregation work intensified (Horrell 1966; Maylam 1990:66–68). In the 1950s and 1960s, townships were built with increasing speed (Horrell 1966; Maylam 1990:70). These were designed to keep people of colour away from ‘whites only’ spaces and to be cordoned off if there is rebellion (Maylam 1990:70). Maylam (1990) states the following on two strategies in building spatial dynamics in the bigger industrial areas and cities:
Two main strategies were devised. In cases where industrial centres were close to Bantustans, townships would be relocated in the Bantustans and the workers would commute daily to their workplaces. The other strategy was to try to induce industries themselves to relocate to border areas close to Bantustans. (p. 70)
The three important structural parts of a city is employment, housing and transport (Turok 2001:2350). The structures show how healthy a city is and how equitable they are (Turok 2001:2350). South African cities, during the phases mentioned above, were formed in an unusual way in that they were controlled to promote white minority interests and subordinate people of colour (Turok 2001:2350).
Black urban areas were strictly regulated and townships were legally denied industrial, commercial and retail development (Turok 2001:2350). These structures limited shopping areas as well, creating business districts away from the townships (Turok 2001:2350). Meanwhile, the white municipalities had smaller populations and larger concentrations of economic activity and wealth (Turok 2001:2350).
Cape Town is one of the cities reflecting the structures above. Townships in which people of colour live are on the borders of the city. Business districts, even in the present, are developed away from townships and therefore economic activity is lower in townships.
The ending of Apartheid meant the end of racial and ethnic movement laws between spaces in South Africa (Lloyd et al. 2021:315). Cape Town has experienced increasing growth in the metropole’s population because of movement from rural areas to urban areas (Lloyd et al. 2021:315). The nature of this growth shows that many who move make their home on the peripheries of the city, in its existing townships and creating new structures around these townships (Lloyd et al. 2021:315–316). This movement, being that the city already has spatial divisions that exist in its form, creating further spatial divisions (Lloyd et al. 2021:315–316).
Numerous studies have used the Gini coefficient (income inequality) to look at inequality (Lloyd et al. 2021:316). These studies are useful but do not represent the daily spatial experiences of people (Lloyd et al. 2021:316). It is important to study how people experience inequality (including when and where) (Lloyd et al. 2021:316).
Cape Town is known as a global city (Gwaze et al. 2018:2). Global cities are known for inequalities (Gwaze et al. 2018:2). Traits of a global city include having international company headquarters, transnational corporations, international airport, leisure facilities and green spaces (Gibb 2007:539). Cape Town’s central business district (CBD) was marked as an area of growth in the late 1990s (Gibb 2007:542). The CBD was labelled as a central improvement district (CID), with increased private security and cleaning and increased marketing (Gibb 2007:542). However, Cape Town is still very much polarised spatially because of inadequate housing and availability of police services (Gibb 2007:539).
The regeneration projects in the CBD increased gentrification, where low-income residents were displaced by high-income residents (Gwaze et al. 2018:2). With the level of income still reflected along racial and ethnic lines across the country, this type of redevelopment affects people of colour the most (Gwaze et al. 2018:3).
There have been a number of local non-governmental organisations (NGOs) which work for affordable housing in key nodes of the city (Gwaze et al. 2018:3). These include Ndifuna Ukwazi (NU) and Reclaim the City (Gwaze et al. 2018:3). Ndifuna Ukwazi was created as an activist organisation and law centre that promotes the Constitution and social justice (De Beer 2017:2). It supports urban land justice and attends to issues of service delivery, advocacy and activist education (De Beer 2017:2). Reclaim the City is a NU campaign (De Beer 2017:2). It was launched in 2016 by low-income workers in Sea Point advocating for desegregation and affordable housing in the inner city (De Beer 2017:2).
Organisations and campaigns like this indicate the sheer need for inclusive spaces that provide needs for all in the city. These organisations, NU using legal frameworks and Reclaim the City using advocacy, proclaim this desperate need.
In areas like Cape Town, governmental forces have instituted and actively used by-laws that fine street-based people (IOL 2019). The by-law prevents street-based people from camping overnight in an undesignated area, unpacking and leaving any goods in a public place and obstructing traffic (IOL 2019). This by-law furthers assertions on spatial systems that exclude certain people from spaces.
In Khayelitsha, a township on the periphery of the main Cape Town city centre, one third of the residents have no access to water (De Beer 2017:3). Also, one quarter of residents do not have access to flushing toilets connected to a sewerage system (De Beer 2017:3). This township will be the focus of the case study. Before focussing on the case study, the article will explore the case study’s denominational history and foundational thoughts around faith and actions in the world.
Nazarene history
The Church of the Nazarene was formed in the late 19th century in Los Angeles (Reed 1943:156). In the first congregation, there were 135 charter members who agreed on certain statements of faith to go further in the church (Reed 1943:157).
The Church of the Nazarene began in the United States of America (US), but its faith foundations are in the Wesleyan tradition. The Church’s manual reflects this tradition. It proclaims itself as ‘one, holy, universal and apostolic’ church (Church of the Nazarene 2009:14). It embraces the people of God throughput the ages and confesses that the history of the Old and New Testaments is its own (Church of the Nazarene 2009:14). Additionally, it receives the first five ecumenical creeds of the early church as its own (Church of the Nazarene 2009), it further states:
While the Church of the Nazarene has responded to its special calling to proclaim the doctrine and experience of entire sanctification, it has taken care to retain and nurture identification with the historic church in its preaching of the Word, its administration of the sacraments, its concern to raise up and maintain a ministry that is truly apostolic in faith and practice, and its inculcating of disciplines for Christlike living and service to others. (p. 14)
Furthermore, the church claims its Wesleyan tradition through the Wesleyan revival of the 18th century (Church of the Nazarene 2009:14). In the 1730s in Britain, John Wesley, Charles and George Whitefield separated from the Church of England to form the Wesleyan tradition (Church of the Nazarene 2009:14). This tradition is characterised by lay preaching, testimony and discipline (Church of the Nazarene 2009:14–15). Additionally, Nazarenes see sanctification and justification as two sides of the same coin (Whitelaw 1978:11). The Wesleyan tradition was known for its focus on holiness and the formation of the Methodist denomination (Church of the Nazarene 2009:14–15).
The Holiness movement of the 19th century also affected the Church of the Nazarene’s characteristics. In the 19th century, there was a renewed importance on Christian holiness which began in the East of the US and spread throughout the nation (Church of the Nazarene 2009:15). Holiness is understood as the truth of the Scripture and the heart of the nature and being of God (Whitelaw 1978:2). Furthermore, the basis of holy living is the inspired word of God (Whitelaw 1978:2). The Holiness movement, found first in Methodism, spilt over into other churches (Church of the Nazarene 2009:15).
The Church of the Nazarene began after the years of the South African War during 1899 to 1901 (Whitelaw 1978:25). One of the foundational planting missionaries was German American Evangelist Schemlzenbach (Whitelaw 1978:25). Schemlzenbach studied at Peniel Bible College in Texas but is quoted as feeling called to what he called ‘dark Africa’ (Whitelaw 1978:25). He set sail in 1907 with other missionaries (Whitelaw 1978:25). The initial mission field was black Africans in South Africa through personal, visitation and preaching evangelism (Whitelaw 1978:43). There was also focus on forming hospitals and schools (Whitelaw 1978:43). However, over time, some pushed for a move to focussing on white South Africans (Whitelaw 1978:56).
The Church of the Nazarene formed in the foundations of Scripture and the pursuit of holiness in God’s gracious justification. In its expansion to South Africa, it explored missionary work with black Africans but moved into working with white people during the colonial period of the 20th century. The Nazarenes reflected what other churches during that time did, with a hand with indigenous peoples and yet valuing white work. The following case study explains a revolutionary dynamic within the Church of the Nazarene, revealing a dynamic of the missio Dei that includes the excluded.
Methodology
The PhD that this article is from has a mixed methodology. It uses literature and archival documents. Also, it uses semi-structured interviews of church leaders in varying spatial dynamics. The leaders were chosen according to their historical spatial knowledge of their particular congregations or greater presbyteries and parishes. They were chosen for their historical work in thinking around and acting in contested spaces. The interviewee below has great spatial knowledge of the Church of the Nazarene in Khayelitsha because of their integral role in its resurgence. They also have experience in using this space in innovative ways during COVID-19. The interview has themes that it raises, particularly around being a ‘missional church’. These themes and the literature used are combined to answer the research question.
Interviews and learnings
A call to the fringes
The Church of Nazarene in Khayelitsha is in some ways a newly formed church. (Re)formed in a building abandoned by the Church, it was renovated by its current leader and began its ministry less than a decade ago. In the Church of the Nazarene in Khayelitsha, there is a case study of renewal of old spaces and resources for the service of the community. Cape Town had, at its most recent census, around 3.7 million residents (Stats SA 2011a). Furthermore, it had at this census a 23.9% unemployment rate and a density of just over 1500 persons per km2 (Stats SA 2011a). Khayelitsha has a population of over 390 000 (just over 10% of the city) and has a density of over 10 000 persons per km2 (Stats SA 2011b). Khayelitsha is densely populated and many households were not able to adequately do social distancing during COVID-19.
The interviewee is a pastor at the Church of the Nazarene in Khayelitsha. Before the respondent arrived at Khayelitsha, the building of the Church of the Nazarene was abandoned. At the time, the respondent was an ordained elder in the denomination. They had come to Cape Town to do work with an organisation called 360 Transformation. This was to do community development work as they are passionate to bring about transformation in communities in the city (Respondent 1, pers. comm., 11 November 2021).
Over time, while attending church, the respondent realised the church was not serving black communities in Cape Town. Furthermore, it seemed that black congregants were not comfortable with existing churches in the city. For five years, the denomination had an abandoned building in Khayelitsha, which was not used because of low number of congregants in the area. The respondent thought the building should not stand empty. However, there was no one who would refurbish the building for free. The respondent decided to start refurbishment work on their own. The respondent’s joints still hurt at times, and this reminds them of the work they did (Respondent 1, pers. comm., 11 November 2021).
During COVID-19, the leader realised the desperate need for spaces to assist the community in providing space for social distancing. They started work with Doctors without Borders to use the space as a quarantine site. However, because of lack of resources, this plan did not materialise. The building was then used as a hub for food distribution (Respondent 1, pers. comm., 11 November 2021).
During the initial parts of growing the congregation, the respondent has had a number of contestations with denominational leaders on how to use the building. The respondent believes the denominational leaders want to grow but have a protective attitude that may not allow inclusive use of the space (Respondent 1, pers. comm., 11 November 2021).
Despite these contestations, the interviewee fought through refurbishing with their own hands and offering resources desperately needed during COVID-19. The interviewee sees the need for inclusive spaces in a city like Cape Town. They proclaim that churches need to advocate for just and inclusive spatial planning even with their own spaces (Respondent 1, pers. comm., 11 November 2021). They explain that spatial justice in their view is creating inclusive spaces with equitable planning and that there is no space for exclusivity.
This case study shows the renewal of church space not just to turn inward toward worship practice but to reclaim space for communal use. The inclusive use during COVID-19 reveals a dynamic for missional work in church space, which is explained in depth below.
Missional work in space
Over the last few decades, there has been a revival in missiology and a focus on the local church and its mission (Niemandt 2012:1). There have been numerous publications discussing mission theology, including the Transforming Mission by David Bosch (Niemandt 2012:1). The term ‘missional’ has been used by numerous scholars; however, it has been made famous by Darrell Guder. Guder states that in the discussion on theology versus mission, there has been a previous analysis that theology accompanies mission to critique its motive and appeal (2015:29). However, there has been discussion recently that proclaims that the global church is mission-based by its very nature (Guder 2015:29). This means that mission accompanies theology and critiques its motive and appeal (Guder 2015:29). In a different way to the initial analysis, Guder asks the following questions, ‘why do we do theology, what do we do when we do missional theology, and how do we do missional theology (Guder 2015:29)?’ Guder explains that missional theology has a vocation to do the will of the Lord and that the formation of faith communities is done by the Holy Spirit (Guder 2015:29).
The missio Dei is explained as the ‘calling of God to service and witness’ (Guder 2015:44). God is the ultimate agent of mission in the world and the church should be an active participant in the missio Dei for God (Niemandt 2012:2) and in service to all creation.
Niemandt adds more on the concept of the missional church (Niemandt 2012:8). This church structure begins in the heart of the Triune God and is moulded by the missio Dei (Niemandt 2012:8). Furthermore, it focusses on God’s life of inherent communion in the Trinity (Niemandt 2012:8). Moreover, it should reflect God’s communion with all creation (Niemandt 2012:8)
Pillay adds to the discussion of the missional church. He states that in order to understand what a missional church is one must look at the concept of ‘mission’ (Pillay 2015:1). This concept of mission is the spread of faith, the growth of the reign of God in the world, conversion of non-believers and the founding of new churches across the earth (Muller in Pillay 2015:1). According to Pillay, mission starts with being a church where communities are located, which produces the understanding that we are called and sent by God into the world to be God’s presence in the earth (Pillay 2015:2). Furthermore, he states:
It is important for the church to understand the context, analyse the situation, gather the facts, do its research – sometimes teaming up with others in this endeavour – and know its mission … The church needs the Nehemiah type of leaders not so much to build walls but to build bridges. God wants us to build bridges to reach the lost, the suffering, the forsaken and the poor. Bridges to create a new world filled with faith, hope and love – bridges that lead to fullness of life in Jesus Christ. This is what it means to be missional. (pp. 3–4)
The spatial dynamic offered by the case study presents a resistance to the status quo of exclusivity found in the city of Cape Town. The church helped to provide for the spatially oppressed and provided resources without restriction based on capital power. What is interesting is that the spatial dynamic offers a contextual view of the concept of ‘missional church’. The church in the case study was inclusive of God’s children even if they live on the periphery’s of one of the world’s global cities. Furthermore, the views of the interviewee reveal a want to serve the Lord by including God’s creation. Moreover, they view justice as God’s order in the world, which includes inclusive spaces. Guder, Niemandt, Pillay speak of the renaissance of missiology over the last few decades and the development of multiple discussions of a missional church. These discussions include forming a concept of missional church, which includes a foundation of the missio Dei, of going out, of building bridges toward the lost and the needy in the context the church is in. The case study adds a fresh characteristic to the missional church. One that needs builds bridges to go out into communities but also for the marginalised to come in.
This characteristic does not change past assertions about what the missional church should be. Rather, it adds another shade to the art of being a missional church. How does this spatial dynamic do this? By offering two things. Firstly, it opens up another layer of the missio Dei by using church space as an agent of bringing the Kingdom of God to the marginalised and broken. The action of being sent out into God’s world becomes more than leaving the building to reach the broken but also opening up the building to house those unwelcome in a broken world. Secondly, it allows the development of a praxis that calls for the poor and broken to not only be met in the ‘highways and byways’ and left there but using church space to bring them in.
According to Klaasen and Solomons (2019), the church in its form is a Christian community where that the ‘“other” or “stranger” becomes the “significant other”’ (p. 18). The praxis allows a process in which strangers are not only met but invited in. This praxis is not the ‘violent missiology’ Maluleke spoke of that makes churches unwilling to discuss reform using church space (1999:63), but one where a church is willing and able to see the missio Dei exist within their walls.
These two points lead to the possibility of an innovative layer to the missional church, one that could allow the church to engage in its missional foundation by not just going out, but letting the excluded in.
David Harvey (2012) speaks of a right to the city as a vulnerable human right as not all have it. This case study subverts exclusion that creates spatial injustice (Soja 2010) in order to create small glimpses of this right through resources and inclusion. As a result, this case study provides an example of subversion against spatial injustice.
Conclusion
The City of Cape Town has a history of racialised space, where race is a determinant for spatial dynamics and resources. This Apartheid spatial planning has been forceful in the city even after the legal end of the apartheid regime. Over the post-Apartheid era, the cities spatial dynamics have changed only slightly and are largely reflecting the same dynamics of the Apartheid era, thus the name ‘Apartheid city’ being placed on the City of Cape Town. Soja mentions South African cities as examples of spatial injustice and in need of inclusive actions in space.
During COVID-19, densely populated townships like Khayelitsha struggled to get resources and to socially distance during the pandemic.
The Church of the Nazarene was formed in the Holiness movement that looked at sanctification and discipline. It has resource in an area on the peripheries of the city in Khayelitsha. Over years, it was left unused until a leader decided to enter the periphery and became part of growing this area despite the city’s spatial planning. This case study shows a new way of holiness, which is partnering with God in including God’s creation within the urban sphere.
This case study shows a missional church with an innovative dynamic. Instead of an internal focus on holiness, the Church of the Nazarene leader in the case study showed how church space can be used to further the Kingdom of God, even in spaces labelled as deathly. This evolved space shows a revolutionary missio Dei, where the church not only goes out in mission but allows the suffering to enter the church space and use it during a painful period. This inclusive act shows the possibility to evolve church space and the acting out of holiness for the good of the poor and the widow, reflecting an embodiment of missio Dei within the church space. Furthermore, this inclusivity is a subversion of the exclusivity found in spatial injustice in order to push toward inclusivity and hope in spatial justice.
Acknowledgements
This article is partially based on N.N.N.M., the first author’s thesis entitled: ‘Church Land Reform through a combination of Examples and Theology of Spatial Justice: The Roman Catholic Church in the Diocese of Mariannhill 1999 - the present’, towards the degree, Master of Theology in the Department of Systematic Theology and Ecclesiology, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, received March 2020, with supervisor Prof. Retief Müller. It is available here: http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/107851
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationship(s) that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors’ contributions
N.N.N.M. contributed to the design and implementation of the research, to the analysis of the results and to the writing of the manuscript. H.M. supervised the PhD thesis that the manuscript is from and provided content guidance on the manuscript.
Ethical considerations
Ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the Research Ethics Committee: Social, Behavioural and Education Research at Stellenbosch University (No. 21813).
Funding information
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Lund Mission Society and Polin Institute at Abo Akademi.
Data availability
The data that support the findings of this study are available on request from the corresponding author, N.M. The data are not publicly available because of the privacy of research participants.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors and the publisher.
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Footnotes
1. In 1950, the Group Areas Act was enacted. This Act formed legislation for applying ‘whites only’ areas in well-located areas while black and brown people in South Africa were moved away from these areas if necessary (Horrell 1966).
2. Some scholars refer to those labelled as homeless rather as ‘street-based people’. This marks that the people may or may not have a home but are based on or frequenting the streets of cities and towns across the globe. Brand and De Villiers (2021) use this term concurrently.
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