Original Research

‘Standing up’ Maḥallu al-Qiyām as cultural expression in Indonesia: A historical approach

Moh. Ashif Fuadi, Andi Arif Rifa’i, Supriyanto Supriyanto, Yunika Triana, Rustam Ibrahim, Moh. Mahbub

Received: 19 Jan. 2023; Accepted: 19 Sept. 2023; Published: 19 Jan. 2024

Copyright: © 2024. The Author(s). Licensee: AOSIS.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Abstract

This study aims to discuss the historiography of standing up Maḥallu al-Qiyām in the cultural expression in Indonesia. This research is classified as qualitative research with a historical approach method reinforced with documentation, interview and observation. To deepen the meaning of Maḥallu al-Qiyām using analysis using the symbolic interpretive theory of Clifford Geertz. Interestingly, the tradition of Maḥallu al-Qiyām becomes a symbolic meaning of the expression of homage to the Prophet Muhammad and has the content of Maḥabbah teachings to the Prophet. This research concluded that standing up Maḥallu al-Qiyām began when Sheikh Tajuddin as-Subkhi started his stand while reading the Prophet’s Mawlīd as a symbol of respect for the Prophet Muhammad. The Maḥallu al-Qiyām has various forms of celebration as a cultural expression in Indonesia, manifested in various forms of celebration in Javanese cultures, such as muludan, srakalan, kekahan, temu manten, manakiban, sema’an al-Qur’an, and respect for newly arrived ulama.

Contribution: This article has contributed to discovering the traditions that developed in Indonesia, which intersected with Maḥallu al-Qiyām, thus identifying some expressions of Javanese culture in whose dialectic with standing Maḥallu al-Qiyām.

Keywords: Mawlīd; Maḥallu al-Qiyām; standing up; cultural expression; Indonesia.

Introduction

There is a belief in prophet lovers that when the ritual of mawlīd enters the peak session, all those present shall stand up as though honor the arrival of the Messenger of Allah. Standing, or in Arabic terms Maḥallu al-Qiyām, is the climax of a series of readings of praise texts that were specially composed as evidence of the people’s love for the Prophet Muhammad. The presence of the beloved is like a panacea for souls afflicted with longing because they never meet eyes. It is enough to feel accompanied by a belief in a presence; at least it can calm the spiritual turmoil that has arisen since witnessing there is no god, but Allah and Muhammad is His messenger or confession of faith (Said 2018:103–134).

The Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition usually appears at the mawlīd event in the Rabi’ul Awwal month (Weinrich 2020). Maḥallu al-Qiyām is a tradition of ‘standing up’ when reciting shalawat to the Prophet Muhammad through the book of mawlīd, such as al-Barzanji, the book by Sheikh Ja’far al-Barzanji (d. 1766) (Jamaluddin 2011:347–370). Maḥallu al-Qiyām in Javanese tradition is called srakalan. This term is a loan word from the word asyraqal (Arabic) in the quote from the book of al-Barzanji in the sentence Yā nabī salām ‘alaika, Yā Rosūl salām ‘alaika, Yā habīb salām ‘alaika, sholawātullāh ‘alaika Asyroqol badru ‘alainā, fakhtafat minhul budūru, Mitsla husnik mā ro-ainā, qotthu yā wajhas-surūri (al-Barzanji:129). This sentence becomes the reading when the worshippers stand, so the word asyraqal by the Javanese people has been termed the tradition of srakalan.

Standing is a symbol of honouring Prophet Muhammad, and it usually becomes a tradition for members of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) organisation, when celebrating the mawlīd of Prophet Muhammad (Aryani 2017:1–30). The symbol of ‘standing up’ is conducted to honor someone or even something; for example, Indonesia Raya (national song) is played during a flag ceremony and the anthem, and all participants must stand. The goal is to respect the flag and the national heroes.

When reading Mawlīd al-Dibā’i, al-Barzanji, Simṭu al-Durār, and entering the reading of Marhaban, it will usually be accompanied by Maḥallu al-Qiyām; thus, it is often referred to as marḥabanan. Maḥallu al-Qiyām itself is a ‘standing up’ to honor the Prophet Muhammad. At the end of the reading of the book of mawlīd, before the doa’ (prayer) is read, all worshippers stand while chanting the verse Maḥallu al-Qiyām. Because of the event’s solemnity, serenity, peace, and compassion, they seemed to welcome the arrival of the Prophet Muhammad, and even many worshippers were crying.

The Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition usually appears at the mawlīd event in the Rabi’ul Awal month (Weinrich 2020). It is also held at important moments of cultures in Indonesia, such as in the Walīmatu al-Aqīqah event through offering alms by slaughtering goats as well as tasmiyah (giving name), to the bridal processions or parades, tedhak siten (stomping on the earth) for babies who are starting to learn to stand, and welcoming the arrival of kiai.

Thus, this tradition intersects with Islam and local culture in Javanese. However, this tradition is considered by some Muslims as bid’ah (something new in religion), therefore this ritual is considered a religious deviation (As’ad 2019:350–372; Svensson 2013:89–111). Its perpetrators are stigmatized as heretics, and this tradition is widely practiced by many assemblies such as the Majelis Aḥbabul Musṭafa, Majelis Riyadhul Jannah, Majelis Rasulallah, Majelis Nurul Musṭafa, Majelis Kanzus Shalawat, and Mafia Shalawat (Ngadhimah 2018). Nahdlatul Ulama is the largest Islamic organisation in Indonesia and has a long history. Founded in 1926 by Hadratussyaikh KH Hasyim Asy’ari, NU has played a major role in developing Islam that is moderate, inclusive, and coexisting with local culture. Ahbabul Musthofa is one of several assemblies that exist to facilitate people in understanding and emulating Prophet Muhammad. It was established around 1998 in the city of Solo, precisely Mertodranan Village by Habib Syech bin Abdul Qadir Assegaf. Both groups recognise the importance of the Islamic traditions of the archipelago in the Indonesian context. They may have different views on how to honour and preserve these traditions, but both value Indonesia’s Islamic cultural heritage.

The phenomena make the study of the historiography of Maḥallu al-Qiyām, as well as various cultural expressions being interesting, and these are the underlying reasons for this research. Based on the mapping of previous studies, Maḥallu al-Qiyām is still open for study. Study of Maḥallu al-Qiyām is a specific study of cultural expression in Indonesia that previous researchers have not discussed.

This research is important because the Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition intersects with Islam and Javanese culture. In addition to providing information about the forms of religious expression of the community through the Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition in Indonesia, it also helps to explore the meaning of various symbols that accompany the actions of traditional actors so that they can enrich the literature on the relationship between religion (Islam) and culture in Indonesia. Therefore, it can improve knowledge about acculturation between Javanese Islam from an anthropological perspective by displaying social phenomena (Ali 2011:1–35). From the mapping of the study above, the study of this phenomenon is focused on: the history of Maḥallu al-Qiyām, the opinions of scholars about Maḥallu al-Qiyām, the meaning contained in Maḥallu al-Qiyām through Clifford Geertz’s symbolic interpretive approach, and the cultural expressions in Indonesia covering Maḥallu al-Qiyām. This research is expected to provide new historical facts about the practice of Maḥallu al-Qiyām.

This research is classified as qualitative research with a historical approach method. With data collection techniques using documentation study, interview and observations that aim to observe directly with the perpetrators of the Maḥallu al-Qiyām and feel firsthand the meaning of the symbols practiced by them in the ‘standing’ of Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition. Also supported by document techniques, it is useful as additional data so that it can be studied and used as an authentic source of literature.

To analyse the data, the researcher used a symbolic interpretive theory of Geertz. In line with Geertz’s concept, the system of meaning is the meeting point between knowledge and value made possible by symbols. As for previous research on Maḥallu al-Qiyām: ‘the stand mawlīd issue among Indonesian Muslims in the period from circa 1875 to 1930’ by Nico Kaptein, ‘Historiography on Maḥallu al-Qiyām on mawlīd tradition’ (Kaptein 1993a:124–153). Marion Holmez Katz and Nico Kaptein, two Western scholars, wrote specifically on the historical side of the standing rite in the tradition of reading the Prophet’s birthday. In his book entitled The Birth of the Prophet Muhammad: Devotional Piety in Sunni Islam, Katz deals specifically with Maḥallu al-Qiyām in the section on Standing as an Expression of Emotion (Katz 2007:1–275), while Nico, in his article entitled The Establishment of Mawlīd Issue Among Indonesia Muslims in The Period from Circa 1875 to 1930, seeks to explain the historiography of Maḥallu al-Qiyām specifically with the background of the archipelago. More in-depth information on the history of the mawlīd can also be traced from Kaptein’s work entitled Muhammad’s Birthday Festival (Kaptein 1993a). From the study of the literature sources mentioned, this paper tries to present the outsider perspective, which is offered as the scientific information to understand the tradition of Maḥallu al-Qiyām in general in sharing cultural expressions in Indonesia.

Ethical considerations

Ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the Raden Mas Said State Islamic University of Surakarta, Ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the Raden Mas Said State Islamic University of Surakarta by Dean of the Faculty of Adab and Language UIN Raden Mas Said Surakarta on 16 January 2023.

Results and discussion

Maḥallu al-Qiyām historiography

History of the Mawlīd (Muhammad’s birthday)

An in-depth study of the history of the celebration of the Prophet Muhammad’s mawlīd has been carried out by Nico Kaptein in his monograph Muhammad’s Birthday Festival. The Fatimid dynasty ruled Egypt from 969 to 1171; for the first time, a formal birthday celebration involving state institutions was held. The function of this celebration indicated that there was a political tendency at that time, as an effort to strengthen the legitimacy of the power of the Ahlu al-Bait (descendants of the Prophet) and the Imam (Shia’s leader), which was identical to the shia faction as the authority of this dynasty. Nico Kaptein notes that the reading of the mawlīd of diba’ was initiated by the warlord Salahuddin al-Ayyubi who was inspired by the Christmas celebrations at that time, to ignite the spirit of the Muslim troops; a mawlīd celebration was held during which stories of the Prophet Muhammad’s wars were read. The reading made the spirit of the Muslims flare again. At that time, the Muslim army rose highly motivated to expel the Christian army. The reading had a positive effect. Although no definite source mentioned when this mawlīd celebration began, most historians consider that the mawlīd began to be held in the last decade of the Fatimid dynasty in the 12th century AD (Kaptein 1993b:23).

Early literature that can be used as a reference to describe the history of mawlīd cannot be separated from the figure of Nur al-Din (d. 1174), otherwise known as Umar al-Malla who has a zawiya (Sufi hut) in Mosul, Iraq, with a large following from various backgrounds. It is said that in that place, lively celebrations of the Prophet’s birth were held for several days (Bulatov, Seferbekov & Seferbekov 2020:298–308). There is a compilation work on the life and habits of the Prophet Muhammad entitled Wasīlat al-Muta’abbidīn fī Ṣirāt Sayid al-Mursalīn; this incomplete manuscript is attributed to al-Malla because it was written in the same period as al-Malla’s lifetime. In the notes contained in the manuscript, it is written that the work was last read on Tuesday, 6 Rabi’ al-Awal 569 H/1174 AD.

The next mawlīd celebration recorded was in the era of Muzaffar al-Din Kokburi of the Begteginid dynasty (1168–1233), which was held to welcome the new year in the 13th century A.D. in Irbil (Weinrich 2022:147–200), estimated by the Kaptein, about 80 m, from the tomb of Umar al-Malla in Mosul, Iraq. As narrated by Ibn Khallikan (d. 1282), during this celebration a large number of people came from various regions, and the event involved the participation of many art workers and musicians. A special feature of the celebration was Sufistic singing. According to Ibn Khallikan’s notes, the celebration also featured an Andalusian writer and the figure of Ibn Dihya, the author of al-Tanwīr fi Mawlīd al-Sirāj al-Munīr al-Baṣhir al-Nadhīr. Still, unfortunately, the original manuscript was not found (Kaptein 1993b:40). The tradition of writing biographies in Islam has actually been rooted in history since the 8th century AD, with evidence known from several related works of literature such as Mawlīd Amīr al-Mu’minīn, which narrates the life story of Ali bin Abi Talib whose writing is attributed to Wahb ibn Wahb ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Zam’a, Abu’l-Bukhturi (d. 815).

According to Kaptein, Kurtz, and other historians, the tradition of literacy in this segment is inseparable from Shi’ite intellectualism. Meanwhile, the authoritative text that can be the work attributed to Abu al-Hasan al-Bakri is used as an early reference for the literary tradition of the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday book and the foundation for systematic writing of the mawlīd genre text in the later period entitled the book of al-Anwār. However, its validity is still debated considering that the manuscripts found still leave ambiguous information about the author and year of writing. In addition to al-Bakri’s work, al-Durr al-Munazzam fi al-Mawlīd al-Mu’azzam was compiled by Abu al-’Abbas al-’Azafi (d. 1236) and is also a genre of literature written in the mawlīd era.

When it comes to the beginning of the emergence of the Prophet’s birthday tradition (Katz 2007:76), Kartz finds that the roots of the rite of ‘standing’ in the reading of the Prophet’s Mawlīd can be found since the time of Taqi al-Din al-Subki (d. 1355), as described by his student named Taj al-Din (d. 1368). He narrates, Taqi al-Din attended an assembly of Qur’anic in the Umayya mosque with the judges and officials of the city. On that occasion, when the story of the birth of the Prophet was read, Taqi al-Din stood as a form of respect and was followed by all who came at that time. Although there is no definite explanation of the date of this incident, it is clear that since that time, the tradition of mawlīd has grown among Sunni scholars (Katz 2007:79). The tradition of welcoming the birthday of the Prophet in Indonesia is termed muludan. It is called muludan because it is carried out in the month of Mulud (in the Javanese calendar) or Rabi’ul Awal. Muludan is performed in people’s homes. Muludan is performed in people’s homes. The host invites the public to attend the event. The time is not limited but is usually held after asar, maghrib, or isha prayers. This tradition was pioneered by a kiai who was able to revive religious activities at that time.

In Javanese tradition, sekaten is an annual event that has been regularly held in Solo and Yogyakarta since the 15th century. This event is a tradition carried out to commemorate the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad. This ceremony will be held in the same period of time in 1 year, namely every 5th–11th of Rabi’ul Awal or in the Javanese calendar, also often referred to as the month of mulud (Figure 1 and 2).

FIGURE 1: Muludan celebration commemorating the Prophet Muhammad in Serang Banten 1949.

FIGURE 2: Displaying the Photo Archive of Grebeg Mulud Sekaten in Yogyakarta; it appears that mountains of produce are paraded towards the Great Mosque on 29 November 1952.

‘Standing up’ in Maḥallu al-Qiyām practice by Indonesian Scholars’ views

Essentially, there are various forms of showing respect, one of which is standing up. It is a custom in a symbol of respect. However, it will have another value if a good thing is intended for a command or suggestion, such as ‘standing up’ for parents because they want to be devoted and respect them. With the Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition, its true meaning is to feel happy at the birth of Prophet Muhammad (Rosyid 2021:114).

The process of standing during Maḥallu al-Qiyām has been discussed by ulama (scholars), like Sheikh Tajuddin As-Subkhi (d. 1370), a hadith expert scholar who initiated the recommendation to stand when it came to the Maḥallu al-Qiyām session. He is a scholar who has reached the degree of hujjatul Islām or one who memorises more than 300 000 hadiths, with all the sanad and matan or the transmission of hadith. One day, he and his scholars and students held a qasīdah reading. When the qasīdah (Islamic song) was read suddenly, Sheikh Tajuddin As-Subki held his stick and stood up, followed by the congregation. They felt extraordinary peace, compassion, and solemnity by standing up and making their hearts long for Prophet Muhammad. Their tears flowed, expecting the Prophet’s intercession. It can be said that the first person to hold the Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition was Sheikh Tajuddin As-Subki, who had a high degree of scholarships, such as Imam Nawawi (d. 1277) and Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani (d. 1449) (Kaptein 1993b).

According to Sheikh Bakri Syatha in I’ānatut Thālibīn, when people hear the mention of the birth of the Prophet Muhammad, they stand up to pay respects. This kind of standing is considered good because it contains the exaltation of the Prophet, which has been done by the majority of ulama and is worth following. This source was also confirmed by Sheikh Bakri bin Muhammad Syatha Ad-Dimyathi (d. 1892) in his work I’ānatut Thālibīn. He argues that it has become a tradition that when people hear about the birth of the Prophet Muhammad, they will stand up in respect for the Prophet Muhammad, the messenger of the end times. Standing like that is based on istiḥsān (good presumption) as a form of respect for the Prophet Muhammad (Ad-Dimyathi 2005:363). From the explanation above, standing during prayer is good because it is a form of respect for the Prophet Muhammad. The shalawat is a way to express the longing for the Prophet Muhammad and believe that the Prophet is present in the heart (As’ad 2020:409).

Sayid Muhammad bin ‘Alawi al-Maliki al-Hasani (d. 2004), a Meccan ulama, also made a tradition of mawlīd reading (muludan in Javanese terms) and preserved it gives a plausible reason for this phenomenon. He argues that standing at the mention of the birth of the Prophet Muhammad was not carried out by previous scholars (salafushālih), but that does not mean it is forbidden. Although the law is not obligatory, it is not sunnah, and it is not even permissible to believe in it with the two laws. The Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition means respect for Muslims and joy for the Prophet Muhammad (Al-Hasani 1995:29–30). In Snouck Hurgronje’s observation notes, the Javanese ulama colony took on its role as part of the intellectual group in Mecca in the 18th century A.D.; he dubs this colony as the heart of the religious life of the East-Indian Archipelago (Hurgronje 2006:291). Among the popular scholars in the Javanese colony in Mecca was Sheikh Nawawi al-Bantani (d. 1897), who came to Mecca at the age of 15. The book of al-Nawawi can be referred to trace the history of the distribution of the mawlīd book in Indonesia, entitled Targhīb al-Mushtaqīn li-Bayān Manzūmat Zayn al-’Ābidīn, which was first published in Cairo in 1875 AD, presents an explanation from al-Barzanji’s mawlīd from the grammatical and semantic aspects of the poems in the Nazam version of al-Barzanji’s work. In his first work, al-Nawawi emphasized that the rite of ‘standing’ in the reading of the Prophet’s birthday has a basis, as explained by al-Samanhudi (d. 1785) in al-Durr al-Tamīm Mawlīd Sayyid al-Awwalīn wa al-Ākhirīn, that the habit is a bid’ah hasanah (good religious creation) (something good) (Kaptein 1993a).

Al-Nawawi’s second work, Madārij al-Su’ūd ila Iktiṣā’i al-Burūd, published in Cairo in 1878 AD, is a syarh (explanatory) book of al-Barzanji’s prose works. In that century, the book by al-Nawawi was very popular among Muslims in the archipelago; and even now, the book can be found easily in bookshops in Indonesia. In his second work, al-Nawawi very clearly defended the rite of ‘standing’ as a form of attitude that was mustaḥab (recommended) as contained in the poem by the Iraqi poet, Yahya al-Sarsari (d. 1258) (Kaptein 1993a).

In addition to the two works of al-Nawawi that have been mentioned, another source that can be referred to study the historical side related to the celebration of mawlīd is the compilation of fatwas with the title Muhimmāt al-Nafā’is fi Bayān Aṣ’īlat al-Hadīth, which appeared in 1892. According to Hurgronje, the mufti (giver of fatwas) at that time was thought to be Ahmad ibn Zayn Dahlan, a person who had a strategic role as an Islamic scholar and was an authoritative source who lived in Mecca from 1870 to 1886 (Hurgronje 2006:122).

In the fatwa compilation book, Muhimmāt al-Nafā’is by Sheikh Zayni Dahlan (d. 1886), regarding the ‘standing’ ritual during the celebration of the Prophet’s birthday, Mufti Haramain viewed it as mustahab (recommended). From the discussion on the rite of ‘standing’ during the celebration of the Prophet’s birthday by examining the works of both al-Nawawi and Ahmad Zayni Dahlan, it can be concluded that this rite is not forbidden among traditional scholars (Hooker 2001:593–96). The previous conclusion will be different when we refer to the work of Abdul Karim Amrullah (d. 1981), familiarly known as Buya Hamka, entitled Irsyād al-‘Awwām, which argues mawlīd. Through this book, he tries to straighten out the common habits found during the procession of reading the Prophet’s birthday among the common people. In his view, what has been done so far, such as using a tambourine as an accompaniment to the reading of the Prophet’s birthday, is contrary to the adab (etic) taught by the Prophet. On specific matters relating to the rite of ‘standing’, Hamka disagreed with the group who stated that ‘standing’ was a bid’ah hasanah, or even sunnah as stated by al-Subki (d. 1355). Because, according to him, this opinion is weak. Hamka concluded that ‘standing’ in the process of the Prophet’s birthday is considered a late (rejected) bid’ah, and no evidence shows its sunnah.

Apparently, because of the article written by Kaptein, disagreements about the rite of standing up in the celebration of the birthday are quite strong in various regions of the Nusantara (archipelago). The interesting thing about this event is that the dispute chose to remain on the intellectual path and a war of opinion, not leading to physical confrontation. According to Kaptein, the group who contends about the rite of ‘standing’ became two major currents: reformist groups who reject the ‘standing’ rite and traditionalist groups who support the rite as part of customs. ‘Standing up’ more closely emerges as a natural process driven by feelings and emotions to pay tribute to someone. ‘Standing up’ more closely emerges as a natural process driven by feelings and emotions to pay tribute to someone. It is alleged that the rite of ‘standing’ in the celebration of the Prophet’s birthday is a product of Sufistic practices that occurred in the past, where morality became the focus and was put forward in carrying out worship and rituals, including reading the story of the birth of the Prophet Muhammad when the birthday celebration was held (Zamhari 2013:119–144).

Maḥallu al-Qiyām in the tradition of Indonesian society; standing in the Muludan

‘Standing up’ more closely emerges as a natural process driven by feelings and emotions to pay tribute to someone. It is alleged that the rite of ‘standing’ in the reading of the Prophet’s birthday is a product of Sufistic practices that occurred in the past, where morality became the focus and was put forward in carrying out worship and rituals, including reading the story of the birth of the Prophet Muhammad when the birthday celebration was held. The rite we are discussing has become a part of a series of rituals in the celebration of mawlīd in various regions; especially in Indonesia, the ‘standing’ session will always be present at every reading of the mawlīd text. Even though this rite grows and develops, it cannot be separated from disagreements among the ulama, especially the Salafy-Wahhabi group, who reject the practice of this tradition (Rubaidi 2020:431–456).

One of the mawlīd assemblies that many worshippers participate in is the Sekumpul assembly at Martapura (Figure 3). The assembly was presided over by a charismatic cleric Sheikh Zaini bin Abdul Ghani more popularly known as Abah Guru Sekumpul (d. 2005). In 1996, Guru Sekumpul together with Habib Anis (d. 2006) held a mawlīd event by reading Mawlīd Simṭu al-Durār which was composed by Habib Anis’ grandfather, Habib Ali bin Muhammad al-Habsyi (d. 1915). In its development, both Haul Sekumpul and Haul Habib Ali al-Habsyi in Solo have become the two biggest Haul celebrations attended by many congregations in Indonesia (Laits Atsir, [interview], pers. comm., 02 September 2022).

FIGURE 3: Maḥallu al-Qiyām during the recitation of Maulid by Shaikh Zaini Abdul Ghani (Guru Sekumpul) with Habib Anis Solo in Martapura 1996.

Standing in the procession of Aqīqah or Kekahan in Javanese culture

Maḥallu al-Qiyām is the most important moment in the reading of the mawlīd by standing in honour of the birth of Prophet Muhammad. Meanwhile, the transcendental or essential meaning is the meaning that interprets the symbols of tradition into the essence of a certain purpose, thus giving birth to a view of the purpose of people’s lives in carrying out the tradition. The Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition is seen as a form of salvation for the baby, usually on the 7th day, the name of the baby is inaugurated with a prayer (walīmatul tasmiyah), so people make celebrations or selametan traditions a form of thanksgiving for the child. The Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition is seen as worship because every human activity carrying out Islamic law is nothing more than human servitude to Allah alone.

The aqīqah tradition in Javanese custom is often referred to as kekahan; it involves shaving the baby’s hair and giving a name with a standing session of Maḥallu al-Qiyām. Based on research in the field, the authors obtained information about the stages of a systematic series of events in the Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition in aqīqah. The information was obtained from the informants’ personal notes and as a result of interviews conducted with several informants. The information obtained is as follows: after cooking the aqīqah goat, the treat is ready to be served to the congregation; in the evening, the invitees are present to fill the room of the host’s house, and then the activity is commenced.

Firstly, starting the Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition by reading tawassul (intermediary). The kiai leads the process by sending al-Fātihah gifts to the the host’s family and relatives who had died. This is a religious philosophy that teaches children to always pray for their parents even though they have died. And pray for the safety and well-being of the baby and the baby’s parents, especially relying on the Prophet Muhammad and praying for smooth sustenance. Secondly, reading shalawat, kiai and aqīqah congregation read shalawat as a sign of the start of the event both in reading the books of mawlīd such as Mawlīd al-Barzanji, Mawlīd Simṭu al-Durār, Mawlīd al-Dibā’i. In Mawlīd al-Barzanji, after reading the attiril or the first to fourth chapters wa lamma tamma min amlihī syahrani’ alā masyhūri al-aqwāli al-marwiyyah. In Mawlīd Simṭu al-Durār, when it comes to chapter seven faḥīna qoruba awānu wadh’I hādza al-ḥabīb, or in Mawlīd al-Dibā’I when it comes to fahtazzal arsyu tharaban was tibsyāra wazdādal kursiyyu haibatan wa waqāra wamtala’atis samāwātu anwāra wa dhajjatil malāikatu tahlīlan wa tamjīdan wastighfāran. Then continued with Maḥallu al-Qiyām, or ‘standing’ as the core event of the tradition. When Maḥallu al-Qiyām begins, the baby is held in the middle of the congregation; in addition to the parents holding their child, someone behind the baby’s parents sprays perfume on the congregation, as a symbol of praying for the baby. Then honey or dates are prepared to tahniq the baby by a kiai.

Thirdly, shaving the baby’s hair. It has become the custom of the people before the Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition that part of the baby’s hair is shaved or cut when standing or Maḥallu al-Qiyām is carried out (Figure 4). The hair that has been shaved earlier is then placed in a container, and then the hair is weighed and converted to the price of gold, and then donated. Clerics or kiai mainly carry out the process of cutting hair to obtain blessings, and then it is continued by parents and family.

FIGURE 4: Maḥallu al-Qiyām during the performance of aqīqah accompanied by Shalawat and shaving the baby’s hair as well as naming (tasmiyah).

Fourthly, it is the closing prayer. After the congregation sat back down, the baby was put into the room. Then, continued reading of birthdays such as Mawlīd al-Barzanji, Mawlīd Simṭu al-Durār, and Mawlīd al-Dibā’I until the end, then the closing prayer. The series of aqīqah activities at the last stage is reading do’a (prayer). The last part of this tradition closed by reading the Mawlīd prayer led by the kiai, who was present at that time (Nugroho Notodiharjo, [interview], pers. comm., 10 October 2022).

This rite is a form of expression of ta’dzīm, closely related to the event of the Prophet’s arrival in Medina. Srakalan is a traditional Islamic religious ritual that combines verses of praise to Allah and the Prophet Muhammad (Said 2018). In other terms, this ritual can also be called Marhabanan or diba’an (Mawlīd Ad-Diba’iy). The srakalan tradition becomes a religious ritual held at important occasions, such as in the Puputan or aqīqah ceremony (alms for slaughtering goats and naming newborn babies). One Javanese culture that is always passed down from generation to generation is the Tedhak Siten. Tedhak Siten is also known as the ritual of descending the land or stepping on the earth. Tedhak Sinten comes from two words: tedhak, which means foot or step, and siten, which comes from siti, which means land. Tedhak siten is a traditional event where a child aged seven-eight (245 days) will be led by his mother to walk on the ground. This is an acculturation between religion and Javanese culture, which means that the baby born adapts to the place of birth. The purpose of the Tedhak Siten ceremony is as a form of gratitude because the child will start learning to walk. In addition, this ceremony aims to introduce the child to the natural surroundings and the motherland (Pemberton 2018:280).

Based on the results of field research (observation), it can be concluded that the ceremony of Tedhak Siten has very good values for a child. These values include: firstly, walking through seven jadah (local food) is a depiction of the will of the child’s parents to be able to overcome obstacles in life. Secondly, by climbing and descending the sugarcane ladder, the child is taught about determination to achieve his chosen goals. Thirdly, entering the chicken coop, children are taught that in social life with the community, they must know the community’s boundaries to receive them well. Fourthly, in the ritual of distributing udhik-udhik, the child is taught how to give charity and prosper the people around him. Fifthly, the setaman water flower bath has values about the goodness of how the child must maintain the good name of himself and others. Sixthly, the use of tumpeng contains religious values, where the child is taught about God, who has bestowed grace on the family and the environment. The aqiqah ceremony involves prayers and Quran readings. These are done as a sign of gratitude for the birth of the baby and they will pray for well-being and blessings in his life. While some people may choose to stand while prayers are recited, this is not a mandatory religious requirement. Basically, the posture during prayer (standing, sitting, or lying down) is sunnah, meaning it is recommended, but not an obligation.

Standing up Maḥallu al-Qiyām when welcoming clerics

Respect for the ulama is usually shown by the Nahdlatul Ulama community in many ways, for example: obeying the kyai’s orders, not starting a conversation before being invited by the teacher, sowan (meet) ulama when endure life’s problems and ask for advice or prayer, soften the voice in front of the kyai, and stand up to welcome the kyai and many more.

Regarding standing up to welcome the arrival of the kyai, a hadith explained the legal basis for the law; for example, Sayidah Fatimah stood when her father (the Prophet Muhammad) came to her and vice versa (Fathul Bari 11:50). In addition, Sheikh Ali as-Shabuni explained the law of standing as respect for fellow Muslims; the majority of fiqh experts state that it is permissible to stand to honour new arrivals; if the new arrivals are noble and good Muslims, it is proper to respect them. Because respecting a Muslim is obligatory, and glorifying him because of his religion and goodness is an act that Islam recommends, such an act is a way to cultivate love (As-Shabuni 1983:10). Therefore, some Indonesians stand up to welcome guests as a symbol of respect.

The arrival of the cleric Habib Abdul Qadir Assegaf from Jeddah is the last of rihlah’s trip (journey) to Indonesia. This is known through documents about his visit which was stopped in 1987, because he was very busy. However, his visit brought something special compared to his last visit to Kwitang. On Sunday morning, January 11 1987, at exactly 08.30 WIB, al-Habib Muhammad al-Habsyi came out of his room to the pulpit and immediately said to the congregation present to introduce Habib Abdul Qadir Assegaf as the successor of the prophet: ‘Ladies and gentlemen- Father, today you are lucky to be the successor of the Prophet. Now I will welcome you in front with ten tambourines, later we will see his face which has the light of the Prophet.’ (Antoe Djibrel, [interview], pers. comm., 18 November 2022).

Islam in the Indonesian archipelago is synonymous with its hospitality. People in Indonesia are able to get along and be friendly to anyone regardless of religious, ethnic, and racial differences. The ability to accept this difference is understandable because people have long been accustomed to living differently. Even Indonesia is built on these differences. Among the traditions that have been institutionalised in our society is standing up when guests come. The guest in question can be a cleric, official, parent, friend, or close friend. The guest in question can be a cleric, official, parent, friend, or close friend. They stand to the extent of respecting and welcoming the arrival of ulama by ‘standing’ Maḥallu al-Qiyām while reading shalawat, which described this as having a symbolic meaning (Muhammad Muthohar, [interview], pers. comm., 12 October 2022).

Maḥallu al-Qiyām in Temu Manten of a marriage

In carrying out the wedding reception activities, ‘standing’ Maḥallu al-Qiyām while reciting the srakalan has become a staple event that must be carried out. The wedding reception is a thanksgiving event that is held after the marriage contract takes place. The ceremony of Maḥallu al-Qiyām while reciting the srakalan is performed while the bride and groom are still outside the venue and ends when the bride and groom sit in the bridal chair accompanied by their family entourage. The ceremony of Srakalan during the occasion of a wedding reception is said to be a must because it has become a cultural tradition of the community. However, srakalan should not be said to be mandatory because there is no law or shari’a of religion that suggests the process of its implementation. Religious rituals in Maḥallu al-Qiyām activities (Figure 7) are those activities related to the religious field that exists in people’s lives in applying Islamic teachings in everyday life. Reciprocity between religion and society is closely related to socio-religious values and positively influences the wider community. The social meaning framework in Maḥallu al-Qiyām is an activity that is carried out together to form humanist values with a socio-theological approach (Figures 5 and 6).

FIGURE 5: Maḥallu al-Qiyām welcomes the arrival of Habib Abdul Qadir Assegaf from Jeddah at the Habib Ali Kwitang Assembly 1987.

FIGURE 6: Maḥallu al-Qiyām wedding ceremony by recitation of srakalan to bring together brides-to-be in Javanese tradition.

FIGURE 7: Maḥallu al-Qiyām in the activities of Jamaah Manakib Al-Khidmah with Kiai Asrori al-Ishaqi and Habib Umar bin Hafidz Hadramaut in 2010.

In addition, in the social context, the Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition can perpetuate religious traditions that are local wisdom. This tradition of collaboration between Islam and Java has abundant goodness. Because there are many good things that people remind the next generation. The tradition of the full value of goodness must be maintained because spreading goodness is the sunnah of the Prophet and is a symbol of Islam. The wisdom of Maḥallu al-Qiyām is useful in uniting religious spirit, which is carried out in the congregation. Strengthening ties of brotherhood and harmonising relations between communities. Because, in essence, transcendental communication in religious practice has implications for good social relations between human beings. Receiving guests or friends who come is a kind and polite act in the culture of many countries, including Indonesia. When attending or holding a wedding (temanten), ‘standing’ to welcome the bride and groom’s arrival by ‘standing’ reading shalawat is one of the common polite actions.

Maḥallu al-Qiyām in Manakiban

The reading of Sheikh Abdul Qadir al-Jailani’s manakib by the al-Khidmah Assembly led by K.H. Ahmad Asrori al-Ishaqi (d. 2009) also ends with the reading of srakalan or Maḥallu al-Qiyām by quoting from the book Simṭu al-Durār by Habib Ali bin Muhammad al-Habsyi. In the manakiban process, the hagiography of Sheikh Abdul Qadir al-Jailani was the first to be read, which was quoted from the book Nurul Burhani by Sheikh Muslih Mranggen. After reading the chapters in the Manakib, starting from chapters one to eight, it is closed with a prayer and continued with Maḥallu al-Qiyām (Nasrudin et al. 2021:1–24).

In reading the biography of Sheikh Abdul Qadir al-Jailani, known as Manakiban activities, there is the inspiration for Sufism values that can be implemented in everyday life. Sheikh Abdul Qadir al-Jailani, was able to harmonise the two dimensions so that the teachings of Sufism and fiqh could go together. He was also the greatest Sufi of his time who contributed significantly to the development of Sufism which was institutionalised in the tarekat (order). His high position made him the leader of the saints (Sultan al-Auliyā’) and the polar guardians (Quthubu al-Auliyā’). He has also become a central figure among Sufi lovers, such as the practitioners of the manakib book, which coupled with the extraordinary beauty of the karomah, earned him the title of muhyiddin (religious life) as stated in Sheikh Muslih Mranggen’s Manakib Nurul Burhani (Fuadi 2021:243–65).

Figure 7 explains that the ritual of Maḥallu al-Qiyām was also practised by the Al-Khidmah Assembly when practising manakiban that is hagiographic reading from Sheikh Abdul Qadir al-Jailani, so that worshippers could emulate it. The ceremony is conducted together with reading sessions from the book of Mawlīd al-Dibā’i followed by the ritual of Maḥallu al-Qiyām as a form of maḥabbah (love of Prophet) and homage to the Prophet Muhammad.

Maḥallu al-Qiyām in Sem’aan al_Qur’an

Based on the author’s observations, the practice of standing during Maḥallu al-Qiyām is also carried out during the Wednesday Pahing MANTAB Sema’an activity at the Baitussalam Blembem Mosque, Sooko, Ponorogo. This tradition was pioneered by Kiai Hamim Djazuli (Gus Miek), with the names of the Majelis Sema’an Al-Qur’an and Dzikrul Ghofilin Jantiko Mantab.

Thousands of Muslims have become pendherek (followers) of Sema’an al-Qur’an Jantiko Mantab. Thus, the Sami’in Setia (Gus Miek’s term for the Sema’an congregation) also held five daily prayers in congregation accompanied by the Duha prayer, listening to the recitation of the Qur’an by the ḥuffādz (memorisers of the Qur’an) from the beginning until the end (30 Juz of Qur’an). After that, perform Dzikrul Ghofilin between Maghrib and Isha prayers. The event’s highlight was the Khotmil Qur’an prayer, which was said by the Prophet Muhammad, and attended by no less than 60 000 angels who agreed (Muhammad Tanwir, [interview], pers. comm., 22 October 2022).

Gus Miek preached through the medium of Sema’an al-Qur’an. There are four arguments for his inspiration for teaching Sufism through the al-Qur’an. Firstly, Gus Miek’s development of the al-Qur’an tradition at the Ploso Islamic Boarding School; secondly Gus Miek’s way of interacting with his guests; thirdly a critique of government programmes, and fourthly Gus Miek’s anticipation in the 21st century (Ibad 2007:19).

Figure 8 explains that the practice of Maḥallu al-Qiyām was also carried out during the activities of Sema’an al-Qur’an and Dzikrul Ghoflin Jantiko MANTAB Rabu Pahing in Ponorogo. Sema’an al-Quran activities begin from dawn by reciting the Qur’an 30 Juz until khatam (finished). Before the final prayer (do’a) in the Sema’an event, the congregation stood at Maḥallu al-Qiyām while salawat prayers to increase the feeling of mahabbah (love) for the Prophet Muhammad.

FIGURE 8: Maḥallu al-Qiyām on the Majelis Sema’an al-Qur’an and Dzikrul Ghofilin Jantiko MANTAB Rabu Pahing Ponorogo in 2019.

The symbolic theory used to read this tradition is Clifford Geertz’s theory. Geertz explained that a symbol is a sign that can be seen as a concept that humans consider as a characteristic of something that contains logical-analytical qualities or through associations in thoughts or facts. A symbol is an object that has a meaning that is in accordance with the reality of human life, thus humans themselves indirectly give that meaning (Geertz 1992:55). Geertz’s symbolic interpretive theory can be used in anthropological studies to examine different cultures in society.

Furthermore, symbolic interpretive theory specifically examines the nature of the importance of meaning for human life. In line with Geertz, culture is a system of symbols, therefore cultural processes need to be understood, translated, and interpreted to know their true meaning (Ishomuddin 2020:929–36). The Maḥallu al-Qiyām tradition is used as a research source to interpret its various inherent cultures. This rite is in line with the realm of cultural anthropology, which specifically pays attention to traditions and religious ceremonies related to human and cultural issues. Therefore, the establishment of Maḥallu al-Qiyām in cultural expression in Indonesia is a form of respect and glorification to the Prophet Muhammad so that every tradition related to Maḥallu al-Qiyām has good values to be able to love and emulate the Prophet Muhammad.

Maḥallu al-Qiyām is a term in Javanese tradition that refers to an act of standing up in various ceremonial or ritual contexts such as srakalan, marhabanan, akikahan, tedhak siten and others. This ritual does have important meanings and symbolism in Javanese culture. Firstly, in the context of religious ceremonies or Javanese traditional rituals, the act of standing up in Maḥallu al-Qiyām can be considered as an act of displaying respect for God. It is a way to show respect and devotion to the spiritual entity revered in the tradition. Secondly, Maḥallu al-Qiyām can also be seen as a way to create concentration and awareness in the practitioner. By standing upright, one can more easily focus on prayer, meditation, or the ritual that is being performed. This helps create a stronger bond between the individual and the spiritual or transcendental aspect in Javanese tradition. Thirdly, in many traditional Javanese ceremonies, Maḥallu al-Qiyām can also be interpreted as a hope for salvation and blessings. Through this ritual, the practitioner can express his hope that all his efforts will get good results, avoid danger, and get blessings from a respected spiritual entity. Fourthly, Maḥallu al-Qiyām is also a part of Javanese cultural identity. Its use in various ceremonies and rituals is a way to maintain and pass on Javanese cultural traditions from generation to generation. Thus, the practice of Maḥallu al-Qiyām also reflects a sense of pride in the culture and heritage of the ancestors.

Conclusion

Based on the results of the analysis of Maḥallu al-Qiyām in the cultural expression in Indonesia, it can be concluded that: firstly, Maḥallu al-Qiyām ’s ‘standing’ according to Sharia law (fiqh) is that there is no argument in either the Qur’an or hadith specifically that commands or prohibits ‘standing’ when Maḥallu al-Qiyām, so Sheikh Bakri Syatha, is of the opinion that ‘ stand’ to honor the Prophet Muhammad as good (istiḥsān). Nevertheless, there are opinions of scholars such as Buya Hamka who consider it a bid’ah (a new innovation in religion). Secondly, based on symbolic interpretation theory, Geertz said that every culture contains a certain symbol or meaning, so that ‘standing’ on Maḥallu al-Qiyām means respect and maḥabbah (love) for Prophet Muhammad, as the meaning of joy for Muslims Prophet Muhammad, thus, Maḥallu al-Qiyām has a social meaning relationship between the meaning of the text and behavior thus forming theological social behaviour. Thirdly, Maḥallu al-Qiyām has various forms of expression of celebration in Javanese culture, such as muludan (commemoration of the birth of the prophet), srakalan (reading asyraqal), kekahan (aqiqah newborn baby), temu manten (meeting of a bride and groom), manakiban (reading the biography of al-Jailani), sema’an al-Qur’an (reciting the Qur’an), and respect for newly arrived ulama.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to express his deepest gratitude to all parties who supported the completion of this research, especially the informants (interviewed) who provided information and supporting documents so that they could complete and perfect the research data.

The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationship(s) that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.

The first author M.A.F. contributed in designing the ideas and concepts of this research that emerged from his observations in the theme under study. Furthermore, A.A.R. contributed in applying research methods that were in accordance with the theme discussed. Then, S.S. contributed to data validation techniques to match the applied methodology. Y.T. played a role in exploring research sources in order to get a more objective and in-depth analysis. R.I. played a role in checking for writing errors and reflecting them. M.M. contributed to analysing and interpreting data, along with its suitability to research concepts and designs.

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors, and the publisher.

References