Article Information
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Author:
Jeremy Punt1
Affiliation:
1Department of Old and New Testament, University of Stellenbosch, South Africa
Note:
This article is a revised version of a paper read at a Biblical Research Unit meeting, KU Leuven, September 2008. In Galatians 4:21–5:1
Paul’s rereading of course went beyond that of Genesis, including also Isaiah (54:1), but the focus in this contribution will be on the
use of Genesis 16 and 21 in Galatians 4; the contribution links up with earlier work on the text of Galatians 4 (cf. Punt; 2006a, 2006b, 2007).
Correspondence to:
Jeremy Punt
Email:
jpunt@sun.ac.za
Postal address:
Private Bag X1, Matieland 7602, South Africa
Dates:
Received: 30 Apr. 2010
Accepted: 06 Aug. 2010
Published: 07 June 2011
How to cite this article:
Punt, J., 2011, ‘Hermeneutics in identity formation: Paul’s use of Genesis in Galatians 4’, HTS Teologiese
Studies/Theological Studies 67(1), Art. #846, 9 pages.
doi.10.4102/hts.v67i1.846
Copyright Notice:
© 2011. The Authors. Licensee: OpenJournals Publishing. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution License.
ISSN: 0259-9422 (print)
ISSN: 2072-8050 (online)
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Hermeneutics in identity formation: Paul’s use of Genesis in Galatians 4
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In This Original Research...
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Open Access
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• Abstract
• Introduction
• Rereading Genesis
• Genesis 16 and 21 in Galatians 4:21–5:1
• The 1st century CE and identity issues: Implications for Paul
• Social identity theory and 1st century identity
• Identity concerns in the 1st century CE
• Identity in an imperial context
• Reconstituted identity and the role of hermeneutics
• Paul, identity and (new) community
• Insiders and outsiders: Community and identity
• Hermeneutics, identity and power
• Power, stereotyping, slander and vilification
• Conclusion
• Acknowledgement
• References
• Footnotes
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Paul’s hermeneutics, in dealing with the scriptures and traditions of Israel and his concern for a specific identity for the
communities he interacted with, require attention for the reciprocal, interrelationship between hermeneutics and identity in his letters.
Paul’s quotations from and allusions to the scriptures of Israel but also his argument which was a re-interpretation of the
traditions of Israel, functions in Galatians 4:21–5:1 at one level as counter-argument to the position of his opponents in
Galatia but, at another deeper level, also as a forceful attempt to (re)establish and reinforce the identity of the community of
followers of Jesus. His appropriation of the scriptures, his revisionist interpretation of the Abraham narrative and in particular
his construal of its lasting implications provided the interpretative map on which Paul plotted an emerging ‘Christian’
identity. But, reciprocally, Paul’s sense of a new or renewed identity in Christ also determined the contours of his hermeneutics.
Paul’s letters urged the followers of Jesus to take up a new, reformatted identity, not as abstract ideal, but an identity
closely connected to Paul’s vision of a new community, establishing a reciprocal relationship between identity and community.1
In the Galatians letter, Paul’s insistence upon a new identity and a resultant new community, was largely dependent on his
appropriation of the scriptures and a central narrative within it, namely about Abraham, his wives and sons. Claims regarding a
new identity proved troublesome to other Jews and Gentiles alike as is evident in Galatians, leading to tension, animosity and
even conflict. The opposition and counter-claims Paul encountered after his departure from Galatia and addressed in the letter
underwrote his resolve regarding his perceived need to promote a new identity in Christ – which he did in conjunction with
the scriptures.
Genesis 16 and 21 in Galatians 4:21–5:1
Galatians was written2 in the midst of what was understood by Paul as a major clash (probably one of many) between himself
and those opposing his understanding of the lasting implications of Jesus’ life and death. It was in particular the implications of
Jesus for the Jewish people as well as for his followers’ continuing relationship with the Jewish historical legacy, community and
culture including religious belief, custom and ritual that provoked some animated argument in Paul’s letters and in Galatians in particular.
The Galatians-letter is directed to communities of Jesus-followers in Asia Minor, but the letter suggests that the disagreement between Paul
and his challengers took place within a, at least partially, Diaspora-Jewish context.3 A large part of Paul’s argument in
Galatians was formulated as scriptural proofs.4 In one instance in Galatians 4, Paul’s contemporary if dissident rereading
of the Genesis narrative (Gn 12–25), resulted in an alternative, allegorical interpretation, which challenged the notion that Jews
belonged to the lineage of Abraham through their physical descent from Abraham and Sarah. Even more, in the end his rereading challenged the
very notion of physical lineage, or, at least, using such determinations as basis for affiliation with Christ Jesus. The materiality of
Abraham, his wives and sons are not discarded, but physicality as basis for establishing lineage has now been subverted (cf. Ebeling 1985:234;
Martyn 1990:175).
Whilst 1st century hermeneutics cannot be discussed here in detail, it should be mentioned that Paul used the scriptures according to conventional
1st century hermeneutical practices which in short entailed that (cf. Punt 1996):
• the scriptures are holy and therefore should be interpreted
• are the living word of God and therefore remains actual for the lives of other generations as well
• that the scriptures can be interpreted by inspired, spirit-filled interpreters.
Regarding the notion of inspired interpreters, it needs to be noted that Paul’s radical hermeneutical shift was dependent on a disposition of trust
towards the interpreter and his expectation that the
Galatian churches would accept him as faithful interpreter of the scriptures (cf. Fowl 1994:77–95; cf. Stanley 2004:130–135).
Paul is confident that his tailor-made, allegorical interpretation can persuade his audience (Stanley 2004:130–135), that the narrative
on the wives of Abraham in Genesis requires a counter-conventional reading, to say the least,5 which deconstructs and
reconstructs Israel’s history (cf. Janzen 1991:17).6 In essence, Paul’s retelling of the origin of Abraham’s
children rests on a comparison of his two wives,7 Sarah and Hagar.8 Paul’s sublime appeal to his readers is
through his hermeneutical procedure in which Abraham and Sarah are treated as typical and normative examples, concentrating on scriptural
texts which emphasised that Israel’s special place with God is relativised (Dunn 1990:203). His reliance upon a scriptural argument
constituted a very important element in Paul’s efforts to establish a particular identity in Galatians.
The 1st century CE and identity issues: Implications for Paul
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Three important considerations about identity in the 1st century CE deserve attention before the relationship between
Paul’s hermeneutics and concern with identity is addressed. Firstly, social identity theory is briefly presented
as a useful explanation of the interplay between social groups, their sense of identity and, disagreement and conflict
between groups. It is also argued that social identity theory may assist in understanding group- and identity configurations
and tensions in Pauline texts. This is followed by a short review of important considerations regarding 1st century CE
identity, all of which stood in the shadow of Empire.
Social identity theory and 1st century identity
Social identity theory (SIT) derives to a large extent from the work of social psychologist Henri Tajfel,9 who was inspired
by issues of group prejudice, how judgement and behaviour of groups were influenced and distorted in a pervasive way and through complex
mechanisms by social values; or, to put it differently, by the intricate relationship between human psychological functioning and large-scale
social processes and events which affect and are affected by the former (cf. Turner 1996a:4). Social identity can be understood as:
that part of the individuals’ self-concept which derives from their knowledge of their membership of a social group
(or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership. (Tajfel 1982b:2)
The underlying notion of SIT is the belief that:
however rich and complex may be the individuals’ view of themselves in relation to the surrounding world, social and physical,
some aspects of that view are contributed by the membership of certain social groups or categories. (Tajfel 1982b:2)
The concern is to understand the conditions within which individuals choose to identify themselves and act as members of a group,
rather than in their individual capacity. Individuals often choose to define their social location according to selected group affiliations,
due to processes of social influence which cause them to internalise certain social norms and to which they, in a variety of circumstances,
consciously relate and model in their attitudes and social behaviour. What is important to acknowledge, however, is that such group identity
is not dependent upon group cohesion or physical and direct interaction with other people, not even those associating with the same group
(Tajfel 1982b:4; Turner 1982:15–40). People are part of a group because they choose to associate with the group – people actively
engage in construing and constructing the world in which they live.10
Identity concerns in the 1st century CE
Typical of the surrounding biblical antiquity of the 1st century CE, the New Testament texts offer no clearly defined concept of personhood.
With the ascription of personhood to angelic beings, demons and the personification of evil in the form of the devil and even to the divine,
it is clear that the New Testament authors applied different criteria for what constituted a person and so went beyond the modern perception
of human beings as embodied psyches and therefore persons (Berger 2003:26–29). Paul’s notion of identity and resulting boundaries
are best plotted on the 1st century map of identity-concerns, which were influenced by dyadism, or an other-directed orientation (Neyrey
1993:49–52). As group-oriented, collectivist people in a non-introspective culture, the in-group provided the means by which people
understood themselves and others:
In-group members are treated with loyalty, openness, allegiance and support. Those falling outside the in-group boundaries belong to the
out-group. With the out-group, dealings are indifferent, even hostile. (Malina & Neyrey 1996:122)
Nevertheless, a deterministic appropriation of such categories such as assuming a monolithic or homogenous constitution within groups has to
be avoided, though, because the in-group boundaries were uneven and of differing qualities.
The strong sense of identity in a collectivist or group-oriented culture and continuous efforts to maintain and elaborate on it, necessarily
required demarcation as much as identification. In other words, it was at least as important to define a group over against or in terms of other
groups as was the concern with self-identity (and reflection upon it). However, constructing borders between people and us-and-them binaries was
within the 1st century, agonistic society not seen as complimentary, as the New Testament documents attest: opposites led to competition and at
times called forth hostilities. Hostility and even violence was natural in the 1st century Mediterranean context (Botha 2000:8–18), because
aggression in different forms was common in an agonistic society11 and part of everyday life, the extent to which emerges even from a
brief analysis of the New Testament vocabulary.12 Identity issues were therefore generally perilous and fraught with danger, as reflected
in Paul’s fluctuating fortunes in the Corinthian correspondence encompassing a few years’ interaction.
Identity in an imperial context
Paul’s assumption of a position of defining and controlling identity has to be understood against the context of an all-pervasive
Roman Empire, where the social and political standing of Jews in relation to the followers of Jesus was an important factor in their
relationship. In the 1st century CE, the Jews were at times permitted certain concessions, which allowed them to maintain their customs
and beliefs,13 so that they, notwithstanding occasional outbreaks of violence against them,14 generally
flourished during imperial times. As long as the early followers of Jesus still associated with Judaism, they shared in these
privileges, but as the divisions grew, emerging Christianity had to find other ways to present itself as a legal and respectable
religion,15 inevitably resulting in tensions and conflict with Judaism. Firstly, because heritage and longevity mattered
most in the defense of a religion, the New Testament authors and the early followers of Jesus, in their search for an ancient and
respectable pedigree, claimed to be the new (or better), renewed and thus true, Israel (e.g. Rm 9–11; Eph 2:12; Heb 8; Jn 15:1).
Secondly and flowing from this, the early Jesus-followers’ increasing concern with their identity and self-definition,
consciously and increasingly distinguished themselves from the Jews. And thirdly, competing with the Jews for the sympathies
of and associates from the gentiles, the Jewish communities which were larger in size were viable competitors, a source of
embarrassment for ‘Christian’ claims and a potential threat to the growth of communities of followers of Jesus.16
However, relaxed ‘border-control’ in the 1st century would have facilitated congenial relationships between Jews and
non-Jews,17 with such interaction probably stimulating progress in mutual acceptance of (Jewish and non-Jewish)
bona fides.18
SIT emphasises that individuals and groups generally do not have equal access to power and it is important to distinguish between and
account for the differences between groups dominating others and those groups who are being or were dominated:
Members of dominating groups are often capable of imposing a view of the world in which the norm or the point of reference in relation
to which other people are defined come form the centre where the power resides. (Tajfel 1982bb:5; cf. Deschamps 1982:85–98)
This situation is the opposite of those belonging to the powerful groups and those who are often not defined in terms of their groups but simply as individuals:
The social categorizations imposed upon those who are peripheral or dominated groups account for much of the way in which they define
themselves and are defined by others. The achievement or the construction for oneself of full individuality is the
privilege of social differentials. (Tajfel 1982bb:5; cf. Deschamps 1982:85–98)
In the New Testament, the Pauline letters in particular suggest continuing efforts by various groups and by Paul none the least, to
establish religious and socio-political control by insisting on strict lines of demarcation. The hegemony of imperialism, which also
penetrated into Galatians 4, underlined Paul’s 1st century context as an imperial setting but also one where there would not be
room enough for Paul and Roman authority, leading to Paul’s ambiguous attitude towards the Roman Empire. But Paul’s concern
with imperialism goes beyond Rome and political matters in the narrow sense of the word, as reflected in his concerns with religious
hierarchy as, for example, in his interaction with the ‘pillar’ apostles and Jerusalem, the custodian of the law and his
recounting of his discussion with Peter in Galatians 1 and 2. At yet another level, competition and rivalry are present also in the
Galatian-context in what seems to have been an acrimonious conflict between Paul and other rival groups and the ‘Judaisers’ by name.
Amidst the broader vying for power to define the identity of the followers of Jesus, Paul’s rereading of foundational texts constituted
an important element is his particular way of formulating and advocating a new identity in Christ Jesus – at least for the groups he
dealt with; this is also evident in Galatians 4:21–5:1.
Reconstituted identity and the role of hermeneutics
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His letters and certainly Galatians provide no evidence of a consistent concern on Paul’s side that he consciously endeavoured to
produce a history of some sort19 (at least not in the sense that history would be understood today), whether of the life of
Jesus, his own life (and that of his people), or of the followers of Jesus (the ‘church’).20 On the one hand, it
is in Galatians that Paul devoted most attention to and the largest part of any single letter that included an autobiographical account
(Gl 1–2). It is therefore not altogether surprising to find Paul in Galatians 4:21–5:1 retelling in broad strokes the story
of the wives of Abraham, even if in a format foreign to 1st century concerns (with the focus on Abraham’s wives and not the
patriarch himself) and in a register not uncommon for the time (Septuagint quotes were strung together with prophetic material and his
own additions and explanations). From a literary perspective:
History is ‘fictional’, not in the sense of something false but in the sense of something produced in language. (Schüssler Fiorenza 1989:23)
Historical retelling formed part of a rhetorical argument to persuade the letter’s recipients to agree with his position and to refuse the
opponents’ stance (apologetic rhetoric, Betz) or to decide to submit to Paul’s understanding of the Gospel and the opponents’
views (deliberative, Smit).
On the other hand, Galatians 4:21–5:1 forms part of what can be called Pauline historiography, in the sense of Paul’s typical
approach to and dealing with his (Israelite and Jewish) traditions.21 Galatians 4 therefore did not form part of Pauline history,
‘the history according to Paul’, in the sense of aspiring to provide a factual or other account of events that took place and not
even his ‘history writing’ in the sense of consciously and deliberately engaging in the former.22 What further stands
out in Pauline historiography is that in Galatians it was informed by the scriptures of Israel (Septuagint) and adjunct traditions. Or to put
it the other way round, Pauline exegesis can be understood as rereading, that is, re-creating or re-writing or re-composing history.
In other words, Paul was apparently not disputing the historical veracity of the events he mentioned, since the focus was hardly on accuracy
in the modern sense. For Paul the actuality of the events took centre-stage, stressing that the events took place, and in therefore, in
Paul’s book, they are historiographical. In one sense, Pauline exegesis is not about history at all; in another sense, it is all
about his revisionist way of approaching ancient history.
The reciprocal relationship between textual composition and identity is particularly important in Galatians 4:21–5:1 and illustrates
the involvement of texts in identity-making processes; Paul’s text (Galatians), at the same time, reflects his identity but also
constitutes and maintains (or co-constitutes) his reformulated identity in a dynamic (on-going) and complex (mutual but also difficult to
pin down beginning and end, cause and effect) relationship.
Paul, identity and (new) community
It was more than likely that Paul was a Jew from a Pharisaic background (Phlp 3:5; cf. Gl 1:14) and faced with the situation
(at least in the communities where he worked) that Gentiles were increasingly becoming the majority amongst the followers of Jesus,
often even in faith communities that initially consisted of Jewish followers of Jesus. He was hard-pressed both to avoid two classes
of followers of Jesus as well as to neutralise understandings of the implications of the Gospel that differed from his own. Addressing
the Jewish- and Gentile follower of Jesus from his own socio-religious framework, Paul occupied a moderate position and argued that the
Gentiles had to be included in the community of the faithful through the model of the Noachian commandments,23 without
specific Jewish rules and circumcision in particular (Segal 1995:20). Theologically Paul argued that all people sinned and are judged
by the Law (Gl 2:15–21; cf. Rm 1:18–3:20) and therefore that repentance and faith are required of all people, Jews and
Gentiles alike. As there are no separate covenants for Jews and Gentiles,24 all should meet the same standard, that is,
transformation by faith in the risen, spiritual Christ. Gentile followers of Jesus are therefore to be treated as ‘righteous
Gentiles’ and not as ‘resident sojourners’ – as equals.25
Paul’s primary concern with the newly formed communities of Christ-followers and their new identity in Christ meant a focus on
transformation by faith that brings justification, a universal process for Jewish as well as Gentile converts to Christianity –
not a critique of works-centred righteousness, an anxiety characteristic of a later time.26 Identification was both theologically
and ethically oriented and interacted with two dominant symbols, cross and resurrection (Lampe 1995:931–943; cf. Verhey 1983:119)
and was variously expressed as, for example, in prepositional phrases with sun [with] or evn [in] and Christ. Such phrases provided the
invitation for identification whilst the ethical dimension included the Pauline emphasis on love and edification instead of selfishness
as well as patient and joyful endurance.27 Such discourse not only created new relationships within the community but created
a new sense of identity (Lampe 1995:940).28 In word and deed, through preaching and evangelising as well as in community
practices, Paul’s vision of a new, unified community of Jesus followers clearly emerged. The unified community was premised on
the removal of ritual distinctions between Jew and Gentile in the Jesus followers-community.29
The role of reinterpreted history in the negotiation of identity and identity formation30 is evident in Galatians 4:21–5:1,
particularly in the use of scriptural interpretation to drive a wedge between groups.
Insiders and outsiders: Community and identity
Despite the difficulties involved, the identification of self and others in New Testament times was part of being a faith community
built around core beliefs, regardless of the community’s ability to maintain such beliefs or the level at which these are posed
as normative. Such beliefs generally exude and even encourage a certain ethical practice. In the Old Testament, with its strong
monotheistic stance and theocratic setting, the people of Israel not only identified themselves accordingly, but also identified
other people in contrast to such claims and ideals.31 This was the case with early Christianity too, with (at times,
diverse!) beliefs centring around Jesus Christ, accompanied by the promotion of a strong ethos in the nascent Christian communities.
The resulting us-them perspective is found in various contexts in the New Testament and in all the major corpuses. In the Gospels it
is the strong anti-Judaic tone which surfaces repeatedly, revealing two strata of the Jesus story. On one level, it is a relative
simple story of Jesus that is primary, but amidst the reinterpretation of the events, which took place after his death, the story
about him is told with the communities’ concerns in mind.32 Early Christianity, at times, advanced the notion of
inclusivity and claimed the universal impact of Jesus Christ, trimming down on religious ritual and entrance requirements, which
could have posed barriers for new recruits. At the same time, from an early stage the New Testament documents also attest to identifying
and allocating people into groups, underwriting such practices and their accompanying claims with both religious fervour and argument.
Paul’s response to the recipients and indirectly his opponents in Galatia entailed a renewed focus on the primeval covenant,
affording it an imperial-like nature. Without contrasting covenant to law, Paul set up a total divergence between two understandings
of the covenant, built respectively on what he called the promise and the law. Whilst this respects the importance of the covenant for
Jewish identity and self-definition, Paul emphasised a singular covenant deriving from (reliance on) the promise and not from
(affiliation through) the law (cf. Dunn 1993:249). The covenant is therefore exclusive by nature and presupposes insiders and
outsiders. However, whilst the covenant is exclusive it is not restricted or closed off: the choice of the (renewed) covenant33
is not for or against Jews, for or against Gentiles, but an inclusive choice for all people (cf. Park 2003); but (and this is
important), such inclusion is according to the requirements according to Paul’s understanding.34 The anomalous-sounding
inversion where Sarah’s descendents according to the flesh are seen as the true descendents of Hagar and the descendents of
Hagar according to the flesh are seen as the true descendents of the free Sarah, is assumed and implies an exclusionist interpretation
(Tamez 2000:268–9).
Hermeneutics, identity and power
It is already clear that both revisionist hermeneutics and identity-advocacy entail the exercise of power, in the sense of assuming the
right to challenge existing convention and custom but also in the sense of offering different, dissident and even subversive alternatives.
But absolutist claims inevitably lead to rigid categories35 and strong boundaries have a way of calling out for their own protection,
as well as for the custody of The New Testament authors with Paul in the lead, explicitly or otherwise, claimed a particular way to gain
God’s favour as described and prescribed by them. Dissent is outlawed, except for inconsequential matters and compromise unwarranted,
especially in a world dominated by the struggle between evil and good forces where choices have to be made and double allegiances are not
tolerated. The grouping of humanity in camps necessarily gave rise to (mutual) exclusion and depending on control over power and ideology,
also marginalisation.
Paul’s hermeneutical efforts jeopardised Jewish identity – without suggesting that this was a monolithic entity in the 1st century
CE – when he reduced the ethnic as well as spiritual link Jews treasured with Sarah, wife of Abraham, to spiritual lineage only (cf.
Osiek 1998:426; cf. Boyarin 1994). The socio-political setting of Paul’s interpretations is important for understanding how Paul put
the Hagar or Sarah narrative to use allegorically.36 The end result is, though, that Paul transposes37 traditional
interpretation, although in later Pauline interpretation his original internal Jewish polemics became part of Christian Empire and its
anti-Judaism.38 Amidst the ambivalence that a reworking of the history of Abraham and his progeny implied, in Galatians
Paul’s redeployment of the narrative of Abraham’s wives and sons according to a spiritual lineage rather than biological
line, implicitly challenged the Roman Empire through his (Paul’s) insistence upon a different commonwealth, a;nw ‘ vIerousalh,m
([Jerusalem above], 4:26; cf. Phlp 1:27, 3:20).39
On the one hand Sarah as historical figure and her legacy was subverted, and the link between her and the (largest part of the)
Jewish nation severed. On the other hand, and at the same time Sarah, at least momentarily, was used to subvert Abraham, when she
became the primary reference point for the faithful! In Galatians 4:30 Paul completed the logic of his argument regarding the two wives
of Abraham and in particular his consistent emphasis on being aligned with Sarah as the free woman and with her legacy. But of all the
displacements in and around the text, Sarah’s words which ring through the Galatian community are clearest in justifying the
exclusion of those who differed from Paul and his perception of the truth of the gospel. In the momentary reversal of gender roles,
with a woman determining the course of events in a patriarchal context, the stabilisation of conventional gender patterns is nevertheless
ensured: the harsh words that excludes and marginalises belong to a woman!
Power, stereotyping, slander and vilification
The harsh environment of the 1st century CE, with its agonistic society incorporated a values-subtext, which was informed by
attempts to increase honour and elude shame. Society was not only informed by and structured according to various hierarchies,
it was patriarchy in particular that defined and inscribed male power and dominance. In a collectivist society and a context
often characterised by pessimism and hopelessness, people dealt with each other and with foreigners in particular in terms of
stereotype and slander (Malina and Neyrey 1996:169–174), often amounting to vilification. In a recent monograph (Knust 2006),
it is shown how sexual slander, for example, also amounted to invented categories of social identity and attempts at exercising
control (cf. Frankfurter 2005:143).
Not only hermeneutics or the interpretation of the tradition but also the ability to exercise influence over the construction of identity,
implicates authors in matters of power and therefore reflects their power; particularly in the case where such interpretations and
identity-constructions are accepted. Given the situation in the New Testament, Paul acquired the power to exercise authority in the
construction of identity. The social location of the Galatian recipients and even of Paul as author needing to reassert his authority,
did not permit a conciliatory stance from his perspective, least of all to promote an accommodating stance within the social context within
which the recipients of the letter found themselves.40 To the contrary, amidst the slander and vilifying of his opponents as
‘foolish’ or ‘idiot41 Galatians’ (e.g. Gl 3:1; cf. 5:15) in what appears as harsh or even rude (and
certainly sarcastic42) terms, suggesting for example, that they should consider castration given their penchant for circumcision
(e.g. cf. Gl 5:12),43 the ideological setting of Galatians was characterised by Paul’s rhetorical pitch. This was no negotiated
settlement but an argument that had to be won and the battle lines were drawn around the interpretation of the narratives of origin, the
genealogical wherewithal of the faithfulness of God. Notwithstanding the insistence that neither the presence nor the absence of circumcision
alone amount to anything (6:16), it is significant that Paul concluded in Galatians 6:16, using a scriptural phrase, ‘peace on Israel’
(Ps 125:5; 128:6). Read through the lens of Isaiah 54:10 LXX, this benediction appears to confirm that all who belong to the new (renewed) order
constitutes the new (renewed) or eschatological people of God (cf. Silva 2007:810).44
Some related concerns could not be addressed here and include how Paul achieved the position whereby he was capable of reconfiguring
identity; a detailed investigation of the structure and contents of what constituted his discourse of identity formulation; identifying
the elements which constituted and secured his power to enact such a discourse and, to investigate the reasons why his (powerful)
discourse (of power) remained in place during his lifetime (even after his death). It is also important to trace the relationship
between the textual traditions of interpreting Paul’s texts, as they were elaborated upon after his death, for example, in
Ephesians, Colossians, 2 Thessalonians and the Pastoral Epistles, and identity issues. Identity formation within intentional communities
where group consciousness implies boundaries creates insiders and outsider, with marginalised groups claiming their detrimental status as
both an indication of their special status before God and as a warrant for venting anger and violence on their opponents and rest of
society in general, also deserves more study (cf. Selengut 2003:85).
Given the volatile and fragile nature of identity in the changing 1st century environment, defining communal identity was a precarious
undertaking. In Galatians Paul made use of the scriptures of Israel and the Abraham narrative in particular to strengthen his appeal for
a certain identity, both in its understanding and practice. Interpreting the scriptures and the history of Israel in a certain way was
evidently not merely an element of identity, but stood in a reciprocal relationship with defining identity, because these and other
processes of defining identity that Paul engaged in gave rise to a certain interpretation of the scriptures and history, as much as his
rereading facilitated a certain sense of identity – and its promotion.
The reading and rereading of texts of course did not come to an end in New Testament times, nor has the relationship between text and identity,
or the role of hermeneutics in the formation of identity ceased to exist with the final formation of the New Testament.45 The
link between the scriptures and the sense of identity suggests that ‘enscripturalised identity’ may be a useful concept to
describe self-definition but also the identification of the other through the interpretation and appropriation of the biblical texts,46
in the past but also today. Regardless of nomenclature, Paul’s letters provide a first glimpse in the New Testament of a dynamic, reciprocal
relationship between hermeneutics and identity and probably also their function as building blocks for (eventually) Christian communities to become
scriptural communities.47
It is a privilege to contribute an article in honour of a much appreciated colleague in New Testament Studies, Prof. Andries G. van
Aarde – he has been and continues to be an inspiration in the scholarly community in southern Africa in particular, often
challenging conventional thinking and always keen and eager to share ideas and learn from others.
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Inscriptions from Asia Minor’, Bibliotheca Orientalis 53(1–2), 16–28.
Bockmuehl, M., 1995, ‘The Noachide Commandments and New Testament Ethics. With Special Reference to Acts 15 and Pauline
Halakah’, Revue Biblique 102(1), 72–101.
Botha, P.J.J., 2000, ‘Submission and violence: Exploring gender relations in the first-century world’,
Neotestamentica 34(1), 1–38.
Boyarin, D., 1994, A Radical Jew. Paul and the Politics of Identity, Critical Studies in Jewish Literature, Culture,
and Society, vol. 1, University of California Press, Berkeley.
Briggs, S., 2000, ‘Paul on Bondage and Freedom in Imperial Roman Society’, in R.A. Horsley (ed.), Paul and
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