About the Author(s)


Daniel F. Panuntun Email symbol
Department of Christian Leadership, Faculty of Culture and Christian Leadership, Institut Agama Kristen Negeri Toraja, Tana Toraja, Indonesia

Wandrio Salewa symbol
Department of Theology, Intitut Agama Kristen Negeri Toraja, Tana Toraja, Indonesia

Admadi B. Dase symbol
Department of Church Music, Faculty of Culture and Christian Leadership, Institut Agama Kristen Negeri Toraja, Tana Toraja, Indonesia

Friskila Bembe symbol
Department of Christian Leadership, Faculty of Culture and Christian Leadership, Institut Agama Kristen Negeri Toraja, Tana Toraja, Indonesia

Citation


Panuntun, D.F., Salewa, W., Dase, A.B. & Bembe, F., 2023, ‘The sleeping soul doctrine of metaphysical anthropology in the Javanese death tradition’, HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 79(2), a8370. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v79i2.8370

Note: Special collection: Historical Thought and Source Interpretation.

Research Project Registration:

Project number: 8370-95184-1

Original Research

The sleeping soul doctrine of metaphysical anthropology in the Javanese death tradition

Daniel F. Panuntun, Wandrio Salewa, Admadi B. Dase, Friskila Bembe

Received: 14 Dec. 2022; Accepted: 17 Mar. 2023; Published: 19 Apr. 2023

Copyright: © 2023. The Author(s). Licensee: AOSIS.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Abstract

The doctrine of the sleeping soul is a doctrine developed to accommodate local wisdom in Indonesia. This doctrine describes the metaphysical part of man after death. A local pearl of wisdom discussed is the Javanese death slametan tradition. The purpose of this article is to develop the doctrine of the sleeping soul according to the narrative of Jesus’ words in Mark 5:35–42 and the Prophet Daniel in Daniel 12:1–3 in representing the metaphysical anthropological view of the Javanese death slametan tradition in terms of the theory of collective memory. The descriptions of the sleeping soul doctrine in the Javanese death slametan tradition are as follows: Firstly, there is a collective memory in giving appreciation to the metaphysical side of humans after death. Secondly, the sleeping soul doctrine is developed from the collective memory of the Javanese death slametan tradition and the Hebrew view. Thirdly, the sleeping soul doctrine is a contextualisation doctrine of the Javanese death slametan tradition.

Contribution: The implications of this research give birth to the doctrine of the sleeping soul in the framework of the preservation of Javanese culture, especially in the Javanese culture of death [slametan]. This study proves that Christianity has contributed to caring for culture rather than alienating it.

Keywords: anthropology; death; memory collective; metaphysical; slametan; sleeping soul.

Introduction

The Javanese are the largest ethnic group in Indonesia. Javanese people have a variety of uniqueness and are full of cultural traditions. This Javanese tradition needs to be continuously studied. The peculiarities of the Javanese people deserve to be studied anthropologically, as in Geertz’s research which provided the foundation for the classification of Javanese people based on their beliefs (Clifford 1983) and Koentjaraningrat, who divided the Javanese based on three groups, namely: priyayi, saudagar and wong cilik (Koentjaraningrat 1984). This basis has become the introduction to the Javanese until now. However, there are Javanese traditions that need to be studied and developed because they are starting to be eroded and abandoned because of the progress of the times.

The dominant Javanese tradition is the slametan. Slametan asks for the safety of whatever is the basis of Javanese life. Some of slametan traditions are exposed by several studies including: neloni tradition, mitoni, tingkeban as child slametan tradition (Adriana 2011); Slametan’s related to the life cycle, wedding and death; Slametan’s bersih desa; Slametan’s to the feast and slametan’s to the circle of human life, such as moving house, looking for healing and changing the name (Awalin 2018). One of the parts that will be exposed in this research is the tradition of the death’s slametan of the Javanese. The authors choose the tradition of the death’s slametan to be the focus of this research regarding the theological position to participate in preserving Javanese culture. Based on that, Christians can also carry out the preservation of Javanese culture.

Slametan tradition on the death ritual of the Javanese is a form of appreciation performed by people who were alive for people who died. The ritual is in the form of offering prayers for the dead. However, this culture is almost abandoned for several reasons, as depicted in Sari’s research in Boyolali (Sari 2017). There is a difference of opinion that there are groups of people who need to hold slametan, but also some people do not want it anymore because it is against religion. However, this tradition also has positive values connecting feelings of kinship and community relationships (Sari 2017). Based on this, it is necessary to conduct research related to the slametan tradition of death for the Javanese as a form of conservation of Javanese cultural traditions. This research also needs to be linked to Christianity, which must also have a hand in preserving the values of local cultural traditions.

The authors of this study had a foundation that Christianity must be able to accommodate the local culture. The tendency of Christianity to alienate culture needs to be minimised. This presupposition was in line with the authors’ previous research related to cultural conservation that can be carried out by Christians, such as imaginary dialogue on the traditions of entas-entas (Panuntun, Pute & Mangalik 2020), the value of Christian hospitality in the tradition of bancaan (Panuntun & Susanta 2021), the value of hospitality in longko torayan’s culture (Panuntun 2020), Christian values in the song of cublak-cublak suweng (Panuntun 2019) and recent research on sleeping souls as a reinterpretation of the Toraja tradition of death (Panuntun & Salewa 2022). Based on this tendency, the authors try to relate the Javanese death’s slametan tradition with the doctrine of the sleeping soul developed by the authors. The difference from previous research regarding the doctrine of the sleeping soul in the death tradition is that previous research was based on biblical foundations, and in this study, the authors try to strengthen it from a review of collective memory.

The doctrine of the sleeping soul, in the view of metaphysical anthropology, can be used to accommodate and deconstruct the Javanese’s death traditions. This presupposition was based on the common assumption that the Javanese performed the death’s slametan tradition as a tribute to the ancestral soul or spirit. Based on the sleeping soul doctrine, drawn from similarities that one side of human life still exists even though the body has been declared dead. Previously, this view was based on John Calvin’s view of death, namely the view of the soul that sleeps ‘soul sleep’.

The developed doctrine of the sleeping soul will be strengthened through rereading metaphysical anthropology in the Javanese death’s slametan tradition and according to the words of Jesus in Mark 5:35–42 and Daniel 12:1–3 in terms of reading the theory of collective memory. In previous research, the authors tried to relate it to the biblical narrative in Mark 5:35–42 and Daniel 12:1–3, while in this study, the authors try to see the narrative based on the understanding of collective memory. This research is based on Lattu’s research that in emerging traditions culturally, there is a strong role, namely collective memory. These traditions are collective memories derived from oral traditions, narratives, symbols and various cultural performances (Lattu 2019). The authors try to strengthen the doctrine of the sleeping soul using collective memory by presupposing that there is a common collective memory in rereading the metaphysical anthropology of the Javanese death’s slametan tradition and the biblical narrative, although the two traditions have differences.

This study tries to uncover the existence of souls1 in the view of the Javanese after death. This view was then associated with the view of the doctrine of the sleeping soul. This research is a follow-up study of the sleeping soul as a reinterpretation of the death tradition of the Torajan. The authors try to relate this doctrine to the traditions of death that exist in Indonesia, and the focus of this research is the death’s slametan tradition of the Javanese. This study aims to develop the doctrine of the sleeping soul according to the narrative of Jesus’ words in Mark 5:35–42 and Daniel in Daniel 12:1–3 in representing the metaphysical anthropological view of the Javanese death’s slametan tradition in terms of the theory of collective memory. The benefits of this research are, firstly, to represent the doctrine of the sleeping soul in the Javanese death’s slametan tradition. Secondly, it became the basis for the church to be able to accommodate local traditions. Thirdly, as part of national research on sleeping souls to represent the death traditions of Indonesian tribes.

Research method

The research uses a qualitative approach with two types of research: historical and ethnographic. Historical research tries to look at the various forms that occurred in the past. Historical research combines the existence of research objects that are seen in the past (Gunn & Faire 2012). The historical research tries to see through the lens of collective memory on death according to the narrative of Jesus’ words in Mark 5:35–42 and Daniel 12:1–3 and the Javanese death slametan tradition. The second research, namely ethnographic research, is research related to the culture and cultural products of a tribe or community group (Subagyo 2004). This study seeks data to investigate the metaphysical anthropology of death in the Javanese death’s slametan tradition.

This research was located in Yogyakarta City, the Special Region of Yogyakarta Province, and Surakarta City, Central Java Province. The study was conducted in June–July 2022. Data were collected using literature studies, Bible text studies and interviews. Informants or cultural consultants who were used as primary data sources were ‘Abdi Dalem Keraton’ and ‘Trah kraton2 determined through the snowball technique. The data collection process includes: Firstly, collecting data related to the theory of collective memory. Secondly, rereading through collective memory theory on the narrative of Jesus’ words in Mark 5:35–42 and Daniel 12:1–3. Thirdly, conducting interviews with informants to obtain information about the metaphysical anthropological view of the Javanese death’s slametan tradition in terms of collective memory. The last step used is interactive analysis in developing the doctrine of the sleeping soul according to the narrative of Jesus’ words in Mark 5:35–42 and Daniel 12:1–3 in representing the metaphysical anthropological view of the Javanese death’s slametan tradition in terms of the theory of collective memory. The research analysis model uses Miles and Huberman’s qualitative data analysis, which consists of data collection, condensation, display and interpretation or verification (Miles, Huberman & Saldaña 2014). In this study, the researchers obtained a consent letter from the participants. Respondents voluntarily accepted to conduct the interview process.

Ethical considerations

In this study, the researchers obtained a consent letter from the participants. Respondents voluntarily accepted to conduct the interview process. Ethical approval to conduct the study was obtained from the Lembaga Penelitian dan Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat, Intitut Agama Kristen Negeri Toraja (reference no.: 51/LPPM/IAKN-T/VIII/2022).

Results and discussion

In this section, firstly, the authors begin by describing the theory of collective memory, which contains elements of tradition and ritual. Secondly, the authors read the texts of Mark 5:35–42 and Daniel 12:1–3 from the perspective of collective memory. Thirdly, the results of interviews with courtiers of the palace and the royal lineage are read as collective memory. Fourthly, juxtaposing metaphysical anthropology in the slametan tradition manifests as a praxis of collective memory.

Collective memory embodies in traditions, rites and rituals

The past and present are two forms of period in human life and are always sequential. In particular, the past is a period that has happened and can be remembered and stored in human memory or memory as an experience of personal or communal life in society. Every society has its uniqueness because of different experiences and ways to remember the past and overcome social difficulties. Experience creates people’s understanding of collective memory and its representation in contemporary life (Lattu 2019). Maurice Halbwachs said that confidence and self-accuracy in memory are very dependent on the memory of others. So, it is as if the same experience is brought to life by several people, not just one person. For example, when meeting an old friend who has been separated for a long time, there must be difficulties in establishing contact and communication with him. However, remembering and thinking about past shared experiences can make communication interconnected (Halbwachs 1980:22). Although, shared memories of an event are not always in line and the same. This memory also shows the success of thinking and remembering similarities as past events become more prominent. Every individual believes that humans relive the past more fully because humans no longer represent themselves and see now as they saw it before, but also through the eyes of others (Halbwachs 1980:22) so that the memory of a thing is closely related to personal memory and the memory of others.

Memory or collective memory brings a person back to the past by feeling the reflection of an external object as a sensation (Halbwachs 1980:36). External objects can be shared experiences, rituals, traditions and symbols from outside the human person that stimulate him to remember what has happened in the present. In particular, memory or memory as life is borne by people’s lives. Because of the representation of the past, collective memory fosters community and traditional knowledge (Nora 1998:81–92). This statement is further strengthened from the perspective of Durkheim quoted by Lattu that society believes in the power of shared memories and values that are held together through mechanical solidarity. This relationship is based on shared beliefs and social sentiments (Lattu 2019).

Halbwachs articulates memory as a process of reconstructing the past. Remembering is not a process of sitting and watching, so it becomes something passive (Halbwachs 1980:48). However, remembering is an active and repetitive process that binds the community collectively. So remembering Halbawchs is a social construction. This view is reinforced by Durkheim’s view of the theory of collective consciousness and is closely related to social construction. Because social construction results from collective solidarity and positive and reciprocal interactions in the community, collective memory differs from history in that it is stored from the past, only to the extent that what is still or can live in the consciousness of the groups that keep the memory alive (Lattu 2019). The memory of society will continue to expand as long as contemporary groups preserve it and do so regularly. Contemporary group preservation and collective memory performance is a ‘site of information-sharing’ (Wagner 2012:11). Without collective memory, people cannot give the correct meaning of traditional heritage, mythology, traditions, rites and symbols in their lives.

This collective memory can also be in the form of negative memories related to the conflicts that occurred in the community. Even though these memories are hidden, they colour people’s lives today. This view is manifested in the form of the architecture of buildings in a city. Memories like that are also memories that continue to be passed down from generation to generation to the next generation (Halbwachs 1980:141). Memories that can be in the form of reconstruction of the past, which can be shared memories positively and negatively, have a role in forming community identity. The distinctive differences in each society can be based on their meanings of the forms of collective memory in their past. This view is one of the basic differences between ethnic groups and nations in Indonesia, so they have their own characteristics.

The memories of each member of society will affect their role in society. This view is because the collective memory results from the community’s collective actions that have been carried out for generations. However, each member of society can determine their respective collective actions based on their interpretation of the meanings experienced in their past (Wattimena 2016). These memories are preserved in people’s lives and then reflected in life reflected in the expression of actions in the present. These actions are then preserved in various cultural activities carried out by each community member.

Collective memory can be preserved through rites, rituals and traditions, as well as the social dimensions of the three. In particular, rituals for Halbawchs and Durkheim have a common part in the production and preservation of collective memory. Rituals enable one person to remember his past. Rites, rituals and traditions are three forms of activities or ways to maintain collective memory. In this study, we focus on the tradition of the death’s slametan, which is continuously maintained and carried out by the Javanese as a way or effort to maintain the collective memory of the deceased family.

Mark 5:35–42 and Daniel 12:1–3 as collective memory

In this section, the authors presuppose that there is a collective memory between the Prophet Daniel and the Lord Jesus with the same perspective on death. The authors’ previous research revealed biblical studies in a narrative exposition between the two views according to Mark 5:35–42 and Daniel 12:1–3, stating that they have the same relationship, namely death as a sleep phase. This view states that something eternal after death is part of human metaphysics. However, part of the metaphysics is in a sleeping phase, so it is powerless and will be resurrected on the day of judgment. Only God can awaken the metaphysical part of man (Panuntun & Salewa 2022:3). Moving on from this presupposition, the authors try to link the indications of collective memory built up in the death tradition culture to the cultural context of the prophet Daniel and the Lord Jesus.

The view of death in the Hebrew tradition is more complex to understand. The discussion of death ritual from the Hebrew point of view is about the transition to death. The death transition in the Hebrew tradition is not just the transfer of an undying soul from one realm to another. This view is not an explanation of the transfer to heaven or hell, but it is giving status from the ancestors to give the form of immortality. Giving status is a form of interaction between the living and the dead (Suriano 2018).

The Hebrew metaphor of death sees death as sleep. Owiredu reveals in the metaphors and euphemisms of the Hebrew and Akan views that death is expressed as death is loss, death is the end, death is sleep, death is a journey and death is a person. The metaphorical expression between the two ethnic groups is hereditary and expresses metaphor and euphemism as a form of taboo expression in death (Owiredu 2020:409). Some expressions regarding the language of death in the Hebrew perspective are sleep. In the Hebrew view, the place where the person is buried is the eternal bed. The conceptualisation of death as sleep describes death as a restful sleep or rest after the world has existed (Owiredu 2020:416). This verbal expression became one of the expressions shared by the Hebrews when facing death.

In the Old Testament, some of the expressions written in the Bible regarding death include dying, being gathered with his people, laying with his father, gathering his feet on the bed and his soul leaving him. One of those terms is being laid with his father. This phrase signifies not only a burial but a blessed death. The expression is a metaphor for joining his ancestors spiritually. Not buried side by side with his father’s grave but buried in his burial (Chinitz 2004).

The Hebrew view does not explicitly explain the dualistic nature of soul and spirit. However, death, the Hebrews view that the soul in death is cared for through the provision of food and care for the deceased. This view is perceived as a form of remembering the dead (Suriano 2018:176). The view of after-death is also expressed in the existence of the body’s resurrection and the soul’s immortality. Although this dualistic concept is not explained in depth, the soul is considered to be something eternal seen from the traditions of feeding and commemorating carried out in the view of tradition.

The concept of memory is then indicated in Mark 5:35–42 and Daniel 12:1–3. Daniel has a collective memory of ancestral traditions so that seeing death is like sleeping, so it is written as ‘sleeping in the dust’. This view is, of course, following the view of the metaphorical phrase of death ‘laid with his father’. The same concept was repeated by the Lord Jesus when he raised the son of the head of the synagogue. Jesus spoke that this child was sleeping. The meaning of this sleep metaphor has become the subject of ridicule because many understand that the child dies without sleeping. However, the Lord Jesus used the word sleep, which is similar to Daniel’s. The word sleep became an important part of one of the collective Hebrew memories of death. Death gives a memory of death to the body and sees the other side that is eternal, namely the soul or spirit.

Collective memories in the death’s Slametan tradition

In this section, the authors begin to explain the implementation of the Javanese slametan tradition and its meaning based on the results of interviews with informants and support of books from the Keraton library. After that, the authors relate it to the theory of collective memory.

The Javanese have a tradition still maintained today, namely the slametan tradition. The slametan tradition is a prayer asking for help from the Divine and nature so that what you are about to do brings goodness and avoids all calamities. It cannot be separated from the Javanese world that one must seek the blessing of God and nature in doing anything. However, to this day, the slametan tradition has been acculturated from several previous religions, namely Hindu-Buddhist, Islam and Christianity. Thus, the implementation of the slametan is always based on one of these religions, depending on what religion carries out the slametan tradition (Mahendranata 2022).

The Slametan traditions are divided into four types: firstly, which revolve around the life crisis of birth, circumcision, marriage and death. Secondly, which has to do with Islamic feasts such as Maulud Nabi, Eid al-Fitr, Eid al-Adha and others. Thirdly, which has to do with the social integration of the village, bersih desa literally means [purification of sins], i.e. from evil spirits. Fourthly, is the intermediate slametan, which is held for an indefinite period, depending on the extraordinary events experienced by a person – departure for a long journey, change of place, change of name, illness, witchcraft and others.

In particular, the death’s slametan tradition aims to remember and pray for the deceased [ngirim donga]. The Javanese always try to maintain peace of mind at all times, and this effort is made for themselves, their families and their ancestors, both living and dead. Peace and tranquility of the soul is the main thing for the survival of life. One of them is taken through the slametan tradition to remember and unite the visible with the invisible and is manifested in symbols in the form of food, flowers and the fragrant smoke of incense that lead him to God [Gusti Allah] (Mahendranata 2022).

In the death’s slametan tradition, the ritual of feeding ancestor is performed for 3 days, 7 days, 40 days and 1000 days. During this process, the family of the dead makes a Kenduri, which is made in savory rice and ubo rampe, fish or chicken and does not need to be whole. There is also Lalapan, where cabbage, chili sauce and jengkol (dogfruit) are used. There is also sambal pecok, where chili and soybeans are placed on the nasi kenduri. There is also chicken ingkung [not moving]. Three kinds of drinks are served: tea, coffee and Rujak Degan (Ismujilah 2022).

When you want to bury the dead on the way to the tomb, a sawur is made. Sawur is water, grated turmeric, flowers and loose change to be sprinkled on the road. This sawur is symbolically intended for those who died when returning not to forget the way back. In the slametan period of 1 day, 3 days and 7 days of the dead, their favourite food is made as a form of appreciation and affection for the spirit of the dead. During the slametan 1 day, 3 days and 7 days, the spirit of the dead is still in the house (Ismujilah 2022). If in the Mangkunegaran palace, this is called pancen, or making favourite food for the dead (Aribowo 2022). During the 40-day slametan, the spirits of the dead are still outside the house. In the 1000-day slametan, the spirit of the dead is complete, and his journey to heaven is safe with the assurance of the slametan being performed. Usually, on 1000 days, there is an event to release the dove, which means releasing the spirit, and the event is quite large because it is the last event. The spirit or spirit of the dead is in a resting place but not in heaven (Mahendranata 2022).

In authenticity, the prayers offered in the death’s slametan tradition are prayers from the ancient Javanese language and Hindu-Buddhist dialogues. However, it experienced a shift after entering Islam, Catholicism and Christianity. So, the prayers in the death slametan tradition are adapted to the religious situation of the dead (Mahendranata 2022). Another purpose of the death’s slametan tradition is that family members remember the deceased while praying and giving alms to the audience, both visible and invisible. The palace is a great umbrella (protector of nature), so it is accustomed to giving alms to all creatures. The deceased (according to the Islamic view) is in the grave, but alms are good for the deceased. What is also important is to remember the merits and kindness of the deceased so that what is good will be imitated. Slametan serves to finish life in the present calmly and pray for the dead for his mistakes or sins (Aribowo 2022).

Javanese people believe that the world after death is not completely dead, but there is still living. This living part is called the spirit, which is celebrated in the slametan tradition (Pawoko 2022). This view is in line with Mahendranata’s explanation that the human soul or spirit is still alive, so there is a need for a slametan process (Mahendranata 2022). The bond between the living and the dead lies in communication. Communication is like a request, blessing and warning to stay away from sin. According to the authors, this can be seen in the slametan tradition (Ismujilah 2022). In the slametan tradition of the Mangkunegaran palace, the ubo rampe served is also offered or allowed to the audience, both those who come and those who are seen. The most important part is that the gift is a memorial to the deceased who is being prayed for. Based on this, a memory has been passed down from generation to generation by the Javanese in the context of Surakarta and Yogyakarta, namely respect for ancestral spirits. The ceremony is a tribute to the traditional Javanese death ritual ceremony.

Javanese people have a relationship with their ancestors through the tradition of the death’s slametan, which has been preserved from generation to generation. Slametan is a collective memory carried out together as a tribute to the deceased. There is a belief that ‘something’ lives after death that connects the living and the dead. Death is seen as the body’s death, but the spirit lives on. Awards, offerings and memorials for the dead believe that the person who has died or deceased is still alive in spirit.

The sleeping soul doctrine of metaphysical anthropology in the Javanese death tradition

In this section, the authors develop the doctrine of the sleeping soul. This doctrine of the sleeping soul developed through the reading of collective memory from metaphysical anthropology after death reviewed in the Hebrew and Javanese slametan traditions. The authors read from the data collected from both traditions to develop the doctrine of the sleeping soul. The doctrine of the sleeping soul itself has previously been developed as a basic form of contextualisation of death’s traditional doctrine of the Torajan. This development is based on the similarities in tribute regarding death. The tribute manifested in the traditions of death in the Hebrew and Javanese views. The authors’ recommendations are based on contextualisation views so that they can develop a doctrine regarding death closer to the view in Indonesia. This view is described as follows:

Firstly, there is a collective memory in respecting the metaphysical side of humans after death. The tribute is realised through a tradition that is carried out from generation to generation. The tradition of slametan gives tribute through feeding its ancestors. The slametan tradition has a rite of giving food [Ubo rampe] which is given or donated to the audience, both visible and invisible. The same applies to the Hebrew tradition of death, where the Hebrews also gave food to their ancestors. It is a form of appreciation from the living to the dead. This similarity can be drawn from a shared perception of human metaphysical existence. The existence of human metaphysics, which can be analogised to a soul or spirit in the Javanese and Hebrew views, is interpreted as an eternal thing. Through this, a collective memory is formed which is arranged according to their respective traditions as a tribute to the dead.

Secondly, the ‘sleeping soul’ doctrine developed from the collective memory of Javanese death traditions and Hebrew views. Various metaphors of Hebrew expression reinforced this approach to the term sleep. It is as in the expression laid down with his father or ancestor. The words of the Prophet Daniel as ‘sleeping’ at the time of having a vision of the end times is a phrase of this collective memory. The Prophet Daniel used the term ‘Sleeping in the dust’ and ‘will be raised’. This view is also reinforced in the words of the Lord Jesus when he raised the son of the head of worship who had died. The Lord Jesus used the phrase, ‘This child is sleeping’. This phrase is a result of the collective memory in Hebrew tradition that there is something that lives on after death. As previously explained, this section is part of human metaphysics. Based on this, there are similarities to the Javanese death’s slametan tradition where the human soul or spirit is an eternal thing and needs to be held in a rite so that it can be perfect. Based on this, the ‘Sleeping soul’ doctrine can be used as a doctrinal basis to accommodate the Javanese slametan tradition.

Thirdly, the sleeping soul doctrine is a contextualisation doctrine of the Javanese death’s slametan tradition. The sleeping soul doctrine approach accommodates the debate about the occult slametan tradition and is contrary to Christian teachings. Based on the similarity of the Hebrew tradition’s collective memory point of view in the Bible, it can be used to contextualise the Javanese death’s slametan tradition. The view of the Javanese slametan tradition can be taken as a memorial to the death of an ancestor or parent; however, the elements of worship and feeding of invisible beings can be removed from the tradition. Through this doctrine, Christianity will be more friendly to local culture but can anticipate the dangers of syncretism. Local churches can use the forms of events regarding the tradition of the death’s slametan in the rites of consolation that the Church will perform.

Conclusion

This study provides a doctrinal recommendation that is friendly to local culture but is careful of the dangers of syncretism. In this study, this doctrine is based on the theory of collective memory in looking at the awards of two different traditions, namely the Hebrew tradition of death and the Javanese death’s slametan tradition. Both have in common respect for their ancestors and see that there is something eternal in death. This study recommends the sleeping soul doctrine to accommodate Javanese death’s slametan tradition. The descriptions of the sleeping soul doctrine in the Javanese death’s slametan tradition are as follows: firstly, there is a collective memory in giving appreciation to the metaphysical side of humans after death. Secondly, the sleeping soul doctrine was developed from the collective memory of Javanese death traditions and Hebrew views. Thirdly, the sleeping soul doctrine is a contextualisation doctrine of the Javanese death’s slametan tradition.

Acknowledgements

The authors acknowledge the contribution of the Institut Agama Kristen Negeri Toraja. Special thanks go to Eunike Paramita for her valuable input. The authors are grateful to the supporting team members involved in this study: Mr. Joni Tapingku, Mr. Ismail Banne Ringgi, Mr. Frans P. Rumbi, Mr. Yohanes Krismantyo, Mr. T. Haryono, Mr. Soleman K., Sumiati Putri Natalia and Anissa Citra Paonganan.

Competing interests

The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.

Authors’ contributions

D.F.P. contributed to the main idea by correcting the grammar, supervising the ideas and making the structure of the study. W.S. contributed to the writing, administration and data collection. A.B.D. contributed to the field data collection of the study. F.B. contributed to the editing, proofreading and layout of the study.

Funding information

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Data availability

The data that support the findings of this study are openly available.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.

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Footnotes

1. The soul, in this case, is under the dichotomy view where humans consist of body and soul. The soul is not distinguished from the spirit but in a unified concept.

2. Descendants of Javanese Kings.



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