By and large, the non Protestant churches from the developing world rarely have a creative
theology that is unique to their own cultures and religiosity. It was my hypothesis that the
theological barrenness of churches from the developing world is partly as a result of the anti-intellectualist
legacy of the past missions from the developed world. This legacy was fostered by the strong paternalism of these
past missions on the one hand and on the other, by their revivalist conversionism. The anti-intellectual legacy
has brought two notable results to the missionised churches from the developing world: their profound dependency
on theologies from the developed world and their resulting theological poverty, both interdependent elements.
By and large, the Protestant churches of the developing world, which have been largely missionised in past
centuries by Protestant missionaries from the developed world, have failed to develop a creative theology that
is unique to their own cultures and religiosity. Since the 1960s, the churches of the developing world have begun
to think critically about their faith, which had been articulated predominantly in a way that speaks to the developed
world. They then realised that, having had little theological creativity, they had largely been held captive by theologies
from the developed world. Acknowledging that Christian theology in India reflected 'an almost entirely Western type of thought
and language', theologians in India lamented that 'they have not yet produced official doctrinal statements which express the
Christian faith in a distinctively Indian way' (Boyd 1969:207). This is also true of the Japanese Protestant churches,
which have experienced 'Germanic captivity of Japanese theology' (Drummond 1994:249). It is also undeniable that the Korean
Protestant churches, having more than 10 million adherents, have not yet produced official doctrinal statements that are
distinctively different from the ones from the developed world.[1] This may also be the
case for an African theology. Thus Kofi Appiah-Kubi (2002) claims that: our question must not be what Karl Barth, Karl Rahner, or any other Karl has to say, but rather what God
would have us do in our living concrete condition. For too long African Christian theologians and scholars
have been preoccupied with what missionary A or theologian B or scholar C has told us about God and the Lord Jesus Christ. (Aguilar 2002:309) It is arguably Choan-Seng Song (1977) who has most deeply grieved over the captivity of Asian theologies by the developed world: In short, Western mission agencies have not been satisfied with the role of planting and giving water to Christian
communities in the non-Western lands. They have shaped these Christian communities, moulded them and forced them to
grow into 'White' churches in 'Black' Africa or 'Yellow' Asia'. (Song 1977:7) According to Morimoto (2009:76), Song 'has expressed strong antipathy to Western theology and at times advocates that
Asian theologians should discard the entire two-millennium history of theology.' These laments and claims of Asian and
African theologians may be enough reason to say that African and Asian Christian theologies scarcely have theological
originalities that differ from those of the developed world. What, then, are the causes of this kind of theological
poverty of the mission churches? It is my hypothesis that the theological barrenness of churches of the developing world is partly as a result of
the anti-intellectualist legacy of the past missions from the developed world. I identified two outstanding causes
of the anti-intellectualism that these past missions entailed: paternalism and revivalist conversionism. After explaining
these two causes, I examined how the anti-intellectualism of these past missions
prompted the mission churches to experience theological paucity. There has been almost no extensive study of the
reasons for the theological deficiency of churches of the developing world; this is especially the case for Asian
churches. For instance, both Song and K. Koyama, perhaps the two most influential Asian theologians for more than
a generation, have seldom substantially dealt with this problem, whilst only emphasising that Asian theologies have
to be freed from their captivity by the developed world. This article, will fill this gap, facilitating further
discussions of this fundamental theological problem. Here, acknowledgment has to be made for some original theologies that churches of the developing world have produced,
notably liberation theologies, including Korean Minjung theology. Although they have some creative elements, they
nevertheless have seldom been reflected in the official confessions of faith of the mainline churches of the developing world.
Therefore, they were not considered in this article. Acknowledgment is further to be made also for the past
missionaries from the developed world, who brought Jesus Christ to Asia and Africa. Through them tens of
millions of Asians and Africans have found salvation, individual as well as social; with the saving love of
Christ both the missionaries and their successors have changed the course of the world history towards a more
communicable, tolerable and viable world. But this should not be the last words of the missionaries' Asian or
African successors, who are obliged to develop the legacies of the missionaries, especially by critically assessing
them. This may justify my present study, which is critical to both the missionaries and their Asian or African successors.
The paternalistic cause of the anti-intellectualism of the past missions
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The developed world's missionaries' widespread paternalism was one important cause of the anti-intellectualism and
theological deficiency of the missionised churches. A paternalistic mission takes place in a one-way and asymmetrical
(master-slave) relationship between the missionaries and their native converts. It seldom has an 'I and Thou' element,
which is essential for intellectual and spiritual growth of both parties. William Kornfield (1991) claims: Paternalism creates dependency. It denies the wholeness of the individual and ultimately leads to his or her bondage
and suppression. There can be no genuine reciprocity between individuals or groups when one of them treats the other
like a child. (Kornfield 1991:230) A paternalistic mission may have a philanthropic and Christian nature to start with, but in the long run,
ends up bringing about an impersonal 'I and It' relationship between the missionaries and their native converts
that results in profound intellectual passivity for the latter. Here, it is necessary to observe that the paternalism
of the past missions from the developed world was not a historical accident, but a necessary expression of the past
colonialism of the developed world, which saw the developing world as inferior and immature, an object to educate,
civilise and regenerate. The past missionaries from the developed world came to African and Asian countries with not only the Gospel,
but a kind of 'superiority complex' toward the supposedly heathen and backward people.[2] In the words
of Hendrik Craemer, these past missionaries had 'spiritual imperialism', which included 'the conviction that
they could dispose of the destiny of the world, because the absorption of the Eastern by the Western world
appeared to come inevitably' (Kraemer 1947:36). With that kind of 'spiritual imperialism' or 'Christian
triumphalism' (Hutchison 1989:169), the missionaries could not help but have a colonialist world-view,
perceiving the native people as backward, inferior and superstitious. This kind of a colonialist perception
logically led to the missionaries being paternalistic and this was even strengthened by their fundraising system.
By emphasising how backward and superstitious the natives were, the missionaries intended to impress their supporters
at home to get all the more financial and psychological supports from them. The colonialism of the developed world included the dualist world-view that the developed world is good,
whilst the native is bad. With this kind of a dualist world-view, a past missionary from the developed
world led his native converts to take from him and hindered them from giving to him.
It follows that the native Christians could have little chance to think intellectually about what they had,
whilst being preoccupied with imitating their missionaries. It is clear that this process necessarily
brought about anti-intellectualism and non-creativity for the native Christians. An African missionary
vividly depicts how the process unfolded: We force the African continually to take from us and prevent him from giving to us in his own rich way.
We deny Africa its own unique creativeness … The missionary, either in the van or close behind, came to
abolish the black man's spirits, give him a new sense of sin, do away with his practice of religion, as
base superstitions, and win him over to a new and superior white god. The rejection of Africa in all
dimensions was as complete as it could possibly be … I am old enough to remember the enormous hush that
fell over Africa in the wake of the coming of European man. (Van der Post 1955:22, 54-55, as cited in Bridston 1965:42) This kind of a colonialist thrust is usually based on the missionaries' conviction that they have
the right doctrine and religion, whilst all that the natives have is pagan, backward and
superstitious. As a result, the missionaries were busy with only imposing their own right
belief and practices to their native converts and not paying due attention to what the latter had.
Rev. Michael Hollis (1962), sometime Bishop in Madras, India, well depicts what is at issue here: Broadly speaking, the mission pattern has been too much concerned to ensure that Indian Christians
accepted the right formulations of belief, as developed in the West, and followed the right patterns
of behaviour, again largely Western expressions of what was believed to be the law of God, within
the framework of the particular Western ecclesiastical order which the mission approved. Greater freedom,
greater readiness to allow God to deal with men's mistakes, greater belief in the present reality of the
Holy Spirit might well have led to the appearance of a more responsible, more adventurous, more truly
Indian and more truly Christian Church. (Hollis 1962:36) It is also clear that, although it was established in a humanitarian way, the missionaries' paternalistic
authority was something mystified and
to be feared and that it was therefore not so conducive to the natives' community and leadership building.
In his survey of the Batak Church in Indonesia in 1938, a missionary well describes the problem here: The mission and the missionary hold a place of authority in the Batak Church. The high degree
of centralization in the organization of the Mission has resulted in its playing a paternalistic,
if not a dominating part, in the life of the Christian community … A large degree of authority is
also held by the missionaries who preside over the five districts of the Church. While the power
of the Mission is exercised with caution and consideration and while the wisdom and Christian
spirit of the missionaries are of a high order, the position is one of danger for the solidarity
of the Church and the growth of Batak leadership. (Bridston 1965:69) The missionaries surely needed many paternalistic institutions to do their various mission works;
this was even necessary to impress their home supporters and receive all the more support from them,
even if this mechanism often ruined their noble purposes and achievements.[3] However,
once a mission organisation was successful, it achieved great power and authority, which even
strengthened the colonialist world-view on the part of the native Christians. The past missions from the developed world often maintained paternalistic and
anti-intellectualist education policies toward the native Christians. One of these
policies was that the native clergy should be less educated than the missionaries.[4]
In some instances, there was even 'the passionate plea that the 'native agents' of the Church
should be kept away from the English language' (Neill 1962:6) so that they might not know what
the English-speaking missionaries knew. Because of this kind of negative measures for the natives'
education, even the conscientious missionaries themselves could not encourage the native Christian
leaders to keep on studying and developing their creative ideas. A paternalistic mission is reported to be dangerous, even without the explicit colonialist
implication that was prevalent in the past. Recently, a leader of a North American mission agency said: Leaders become preoccupied with raising North American funds. On a trip I took to India,
I was overwhelmed by the many church leaders who 'worked' me for a dollar connection. Such
a ministry orientation inevitably weakens faith, corrupts pure motives, and compromises leadership
integrity. Also, leaders who can't get connected to the pipeline become demoralized. (McQuilkin 1999:57) This claim reveals that a paternalistic mission causes native leaders to be preoccupied with
foreign resources, eventually deepening their financial and theological dependency; it is a vicious cycle. Furthermore, seemingly natural and predictable barriers between the missionaries and their
native converts led both groups to be anti-intellectualist. Firstly, the language barrier
between the two very different parties greatly hindered both of them from having intellectual
dialogues. Secondly, the missionary was an authority figure to the native converts, especially
in religious matters and it was surely very hard for them to question what they had been taught
by the missionary. Thirdly, for the natives, Christianity was a completely new religion, tightly
wrapped in the languages and cultures of the developed world and difficult to decipher. These natural
obstacles might have caused the missionaries to take a paternalistic and anti-intellectual measure
toward the natives. But this circumstance, in turn, caused the natives' anti-intellectualism to grow even deeper.
The conversionist element of the anti-intellectualism of the past mission
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The majority of the modern missionaries from the developed world (especially American missionaries),
were largely from various kinds of revivalist movements and usually had a threefold anti-intellectualist attitude: • appealing to conversion experience • doing away with past Christian traditions • preoccupation with simplistic Biblical and dogmatic knowledge. Here, it is to be noted that there was far more to the missions from the developed world in Asia
and Africa than conversions and that all conversions did not bring about anti-intellectualism.
What is at issue here is rather that a revivalist or Pentecostal orientation has an inherent
tendency towards anti-intellectualism. The anti-intellectualist orientation of revivalism or
Pentecostalism is not merely an old story, but is still prevalent in the United States and all
over the world, as an American Evangelical theologian speaks out: Endemic to Pentecostalism is a profoundly anti-intellectual ethos. It is manifested in a deep
suspicion of scholars and educators and especially biblical scholars and theologians … Not all
Pentecostals are anti-intellectual or revel in incoherence. But a deep antipathy to critical
rationality applied to theology is a hallmark of the movement. Too often spiritual abuse in the
form of shame is directed at those, especially young people, who dare to question the teachings
of highly placed Pentecostal ministers and evangelists. (Olson 2006:27) Talking about 'the anti-intellectual ethos found in Pentecostalism,' Lewis (2008) insists that: whereas the emphasis has been keenly observed for Pentecostalism, it should be also noted that
anti-intellectualism and related issues are considered a problem of Evangelicalism as a whole,
although arguably to a lesser degree. (Lewis 2008:72) Thus, it is safe to say that Evangelicalism in general and Pentecostalism or revivalism in particular
have continuously kept and fostered an intrinsic anti-intellectualism.
It is of utmost importance that the modern revivalist movements themselves, which supplied the majority
of the missionaries, especially had an anti-intellectualist bent, because they were only preoccupied with
the gaining of converts, despising the understanding of traditional Christian truths. There was another
important factor that facilitated the revivalist, conversionist and anti-intellectualist tendency of
modern Protestantism, namely denominationalism. As a matter of fact, the modern world saw unprecedented
numbers of Protestant denominations that were brutally competing with one another to gain as many converts
as possible. 'In a society so mobile and fluid, the basic purpose of the denominations, to which all other
purposes and commitments were subordinated, was that of gaining converts' (Hofstadter 1963:84). Gaining converts is a predominantly pragmatic and quantitative measure, which is often opposed to,
or has little to do with, the qualitative way of understanding traditional Christian truth. Learning
and understanding traditional or apostolic Christian truth had been one of the defining aspects of
Christianity in general and Reformation tradition in particular. That was greatly weakened in modern
American Protestantism, however, as within that tradition both the lay people and the clergy in general
were preoccupied with gaining converts. R. Hofstadter (1963) said: As Dwight L. Moody once put it, 'It makes no difference how you get a man to God, provided you get him there' …
For the layman the pragmatic test in religion was the experience of conversion; for the clergyman, it was the
ability to induce this experience. The minister's success in winning souls was taken as the decisive evidence
that he preached the truth. (Hofstadter 1963:85) James Barr (1984:153) also said: 'Modern evangelicalism is above all a missionary religion:
it is organized and equipped to convert and the fact and experience of conversion is central to its
thinking and experience.' Because it aimed at a pragmatic purpose, inducing as many conversions as
possible, modern evangelicalism with a revivalist bent inevitably lacked some necessary intellectual
discipline and caused the converts to be both anti-intellectualist and anti-traditional. Hence, the
missionaries as the product of those revivalist movements could not help being anti-intellectualist. Gaining converts was even more important in the mission fields, given that it was the most
important test of the missionaries; their de-facto mission was gaining as many converts
as possible. This explains why almost all of the mission reports were full of conversion stories
and statistical numbers of converts, which was believed to be the most appealing news to the supporters
at home. What the missionaries used in order to induce all the more conversions in a given time was a
revivalist simplistic message that they had learned from their former teachers at home; God's judgment
on the secular and the heathen: Simple people were brought back to faith with simple ideas, voiced by forceful preachers who were
capable of getting away from the complexities and pressing upon them the simplest alternatives: the choice of heaven or hell. (Hofstadter 1963:84) A mission scholar also said: 'Pietistic missionaries confined themselves to preaching to
individuals whom they sought to impress with the eternal judgement of God' (Bavinck 1948:27
as cited in Bridston 1965:44). This simplistic and negative rhetoric stressing God's judgement
on the secular and heathen might be somehow useful to induce the natives' conversions, but harmful
for them to develop their own thought in a creative way. The missionaries with a revivalist and conversionist background were turning their backs on the
'universal and apostolic' church tradition, whilst at the same time being obsessed with simplistic
Bible studies, another important factor of their anti-intellectualism: The denominations [in the modern America] were trying to win to church allegiance a public which,
for whatever reason, had not been held by the traditional sanctions of religion and which had lost
touch both with liturgical forms and with elaborate creeds … Revivalism succeeded where traditionalism
had failed. (Hofstadter 1963:84) What the missionaries emphasised in the place of traditional liturgies and creeds was simplistic
Bible studies that brought about a strong Biblicism for the part of the native Christians.
The missionaries' view of the Bible was usually pietistic, revivalist and almost fundamentalist.[5]
An American missionary in Korea said: The Bible was the chief textbook, though use was made of commentaries and other helps, as far as they
were available … Much attention was given to rehearsing Scripture stories and to catechetical instruction
[using the Westminster Shorter Catechism] … The Bible is made the basis of all the work, and the aim is so
to fill the minds of the people with it that it will control conduct. The Bible is the only authoritative guide to answer questions. (Clark 1937:34-35) Given that the Bible was that much esteemed and the traditional liturgies and creeds seldom taken
seriously, it was almost impossible for the native Christians, who had little knowledge of the Bible,
to pose critical questions about biblical texts. This anti-intellectualistic process naturally caused
fledgling Korean Christians to embrace a strong Biblicism that was decidedly anti-intellectualistic.
The real danger in emphasising a simplistic Bible study, of course, was that studying the Bible in this
fashion was not a way of finding and deepening Christian truth, but only an instrument to achieve another
practical and commercial goal, namely to gain converts. An American missionary in Korea demonstrated what
is at issue here, when he said: It seems to be a fact, and would seem to be a scientific fact worthy of careful study, that around the
world the Bible-centered churches are crowded with worshippers and multitudes of people in them are getting
'changed,' or, as the conservatives say, 'converted, regenerated,' while the so-called 'liberal' churches are
not getting those results. (Clark 1937:276) Here, the missionaries tended to have a distorted logic of cause and effect, assuming that teaching the
Bible necessarily induces conversion. It may induce conversion in some cases, whilst in others it may not.
But, because they took the distorted logic for granted, they excessively emphasised simplistic Bible studies
and caused the native Christians to have an anti-intellectualistic Biblicism. Because of that distorted logic,
a Korean Christian minister was trained to be 'a Holy Ghost man', meaning that what mattered to them was not
deep theological knowledge, but pietistic enthusiasm for evangelism (Reynolds 1896:199-201). In fact, the
Korean divinity students' theological education itself in the first half
of the last century was geared towards the experience of conversion and evangelism, for which they had to
focus on simplistic Bible studies. The revivalist and Biblicist position on the Holy Scriptures created an unusual Biblicism in Korea that
had a notably durable anti-intellectualist and noncreative bent through the 20th century. As a result of
this Biblicism that still prevailed in the Korean Protestants' hearts and brains, no Korean Christian dared
to critically study the Holy Scriptures until the 1960s. Even today, the majority of Korean Protestants take
the inerrancy of the Bible for granted and have little creative ideas about its actual contents.
It is no wonder that Asian theologians, Korean theologians in particular, are still largely 'held
in the captivity of the developed world'.
Some negative results of the anti-intellectualism of the past missions
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Theological poverty of the churches from the developing world
The anti-intellectual tradition that stems from the paternalistic, revivalist-conversionist and Biblicist
elements of the past missions from the developed world has had a number of baleful effects on the missionised
churches in the developing world. Firstly, of course, has been their profound dependency on theologies of the
developed world and their resulting theological poverty, both interdependent elements. The paternalistic, revivalist-conversionist and Biblicist thrust of the missionaries made it nearly
impossible for native converts to take their own culture and religiosity seriously: Missionaries with pietistic backgrounds are prepared to suspect that everything the local people do is
bad and that therefore, in order to save them, they must pull them out and set up another kind of life
opposed to the original one. (Bridston 1965:45) This situation has given rise to a vicious cycle on the part of the native Christians: contempt of their
own culture and religiosity and idolising all things from the developed world, not only Christianity, but
civilisation from the developed world. What the native theologians have done instead of reflecting on and theologising about their cultures
and religiosity is only idolising and imitating (and partly pirating) theology and culture from the developed
world. As the Rev. David Chellappa, a bishop of the Church of South India notes: 'Instead of struggling to
find a theology that is at once Indian and Christian, the [Indian] theological students bury themselves in
the writings of Western theologians' (Bridston 1965:62). For the majority of Korean theological students, this
is even more the case, because they have been educated to be Biblicists and fundamentalists practically, if not
theoretically. Park, (1964), one of the most influential Korean theologians proudly says:
My desire is to transmit to the new generations the very theology that the Western missionaries in
Korea gave us eighty years ago. What I want to do is never daring to write a new theology. (Park 1964:i) It is no wonder that almost no Asian churches have yet produced a theology that is both Christian and distinctively Asian. Therefore, having had virtually no theological freedom, the majority of theologians from the
developing world have been preoccupied with habitually imitating the theology and cultural forms
of the developed world. This explains why mission churches in general scarcely have distinctive original
architectural, artistic and theological productions. Those coming from the developed world may be shocked
to find out that the majority of Asian church buildings are monolithic and superficial imitations of the
ones in the developed world. This is also true of the liturgies, creeds and theologies of the mission churches.
Accordingly, I fully agree with Rev. K. Bridston (1965) when he says: The churches that have been resulted from the missionary activities of the Western churches have markedly undistinguished
in theological creativity. They have been barren because they have not arisen from the 'ground' itself. (Bridston 1965:61) There has been an even more tragic element stemming from the native theologians' 'habit of imitation',
namely the deprivation of their creativity. Imitation seems to be a relatively harmless phenomenon, but when
it persists, it hurts the intellectual and moral integrity that is essential for the creative act. Frank Lloyd Wright,
the famous architect, so poignantly pointed out what is at issue here when he wrote: Half-baked, imitative designs (fictitious semblances) pretentiously put forward in the name of a movement or a
cause ... endanger the cause, weaken the efficiency of genuine work, for the time being at least;
lower the standard of artistic integrity permanently; demoralize all values artistically; until utter prostitution results. (Kaufman & Raeburn 1960:184 as cited in Bridston 1965:60-61) The anti-intellectual elements based on the paternalistic, conversionist and Biblicist tendencies of
the past missions from the developed world have caused the theologians from the developing world to
imitate theologies of the developed world, depriving them of theological creativity. What, then,
should they do? They should listen to themselves, instead of only imitating a foreign theology,
however great it may be. It is instructive that even a theology of the developed world, for instance,
Lutheran or Reformed orthodoxy, was generally based on the 17th century Scholasticism, which was a
distinctively European thinking-paradigm of the time. Therefore, it might be very conducive for
theologians from the developing world to think and do theology the way their own native people do.
For a creative theology of churches of the developing world
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Theologians from the developing world might stop only imitating the theologies of the developed world,
whilst sincerely studying their own theological thoughts and thinking-patterns: Creativity requires self-knowledge. Profound and yet subtle, exacting yet questioning. This is the
real job of mentors who would nourish creativity-to help the student hear his own voice, see his own soul.
This is why creativity is so closely linked to self-esteem, and why it can lead to real breakthroughs
for students who suddenly find the source inside themselves. No other subject is located so much in the
inner libraries of memory, dream, and reflection. Creativity realized and enacted is a kind of dialogue of
self-reflection with the outside world. (Kay 1998:1) For a theologian from the developing world, however, self-knowledge means a double reflection:
on their own cultures, on the one hand and on Christian tradition of two thousand years,
on the other. This may be why John Mbiti does not stress only African sources, but also historical
Christian tradition.[6] How, then, have some creative African or Asian theologians regarded those two theological
sources? Firstly, various liberation theologians have taken their socio-political situations
seriously as their native sources. Secondly, Asian contextual theologians, for instance both
C.S. Song and K. Koyama, the two most important Asian theologians, also utilise their Asian
sources. Yet, whilst making use of their own Asian or African native sources, both liberation
and contextual theologians usually end up disregarding their historical Christian traditions,
especially the ones from the developed world. This is especially true of Song, who wants to
abandon, not only the past paternalistic legacies of missionaries from the developed world,
but the whole history of Christianity. But can theologians from the developing world do
theology as Song wants? They may, yet what they produce may cause confusion and disunity,
given that their theologies may be different from one another, having no integrative historical references.
The way for a theologian from the developing world to do a creative theology is even narrower
than that for one from the developed world to do so. The former should create a theology that
is not simply contextually relevant, but historically correct, that may give a sense of
stability and integrity to African or Asian Christians, who have been too young to have
historical and apostolic norms and might eventually become confused otherwise.
This article was made possible by the Bisa Research Grant of Keimyung University in Daegu, South Korea.
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