The Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jama’ah al-Nahdhiyah, abbreviated as ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah or simply ASWAJA, which is often labelled as a traditional and elderly-focused da’wah movement, has now conspicuously extended its reach to encompass the millennial demographic. Various forms of strengthening have been undertaken within the framework of instilling ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah ideology among millennials. The resurgence of commitment to ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah patterns within the sphere of Indonesia’s major Islamic organisation Nahdhatul Ulama (NU) is at least marked by several indicators, both discursive and practical. Notable among these indicators are the emergence of new traditions within this reinforcement framework, such as the baiat (pledge) administered to the millennial preacher Hanan Attaki Founder of SHIFT Pemuda Hijrah, which recently took place, symbolising readiness for da’wah and advocacy in upholding ASWAJA within the NU fold (Redaksi Khazanah 2023). Attaki, renowned among millennial circles for his hijrah (literally the act of distancing oneself from evil and embracing goodness) movement, has evolved into an emblematic figure of urban millennial da’wah, exuding a sense of modernity and resonance (Akmaliah 2020). The burgeoning hijrah da’wah movement within the millennial sector has been regarded as a novel Islamic trend, often contrasted with traditional da’wah endeavours (Setia & Dilawati 2021). While this da’wah movement has found a warm reception within the urban millennial populace, a different sentiment has emerged within the NU community. The presence of hijrah preachers has faced resistance on several occasions, particularly from religious figures associated with Banser (Barisan Ansor Serbaguna), NU’s youth wing, who often rebuff the arrival of preachers who are deemed ‘deviant’ within the NU paradigm (Tim Redaksi TVONE/A.R. 2023). In a similar vein, new traditions have also arisen through the appropriation of new media as a da’wah medium. The NU sphere has vigorously adopted new media as a conduit for disseminating ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah principles via platforms like Cyber ASWAJA An-Nahdhiyah. Public lectures, scriptural studies and NU preacher sermons are now fervently conducted through these new media channels. The discourse on ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah has significantly pervaded virtual spaces (Said & Nugroho 2019).

Numerous studies have hitherto engaged in discussions concerning the tradition of strengthening the ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah. These previous inquiries can be broadly categorised into three perspectives. Firstly, there are studies that scrutinise the tradition of enhancing ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah from historical and doctrinal standpoints, as evidenced in the works of Nakamura (1981), Van Bruinessen (1996), Hamzah (2017) and Fealy and Bush (2014). Secondly, there are studies that view the strengthening tradition of ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah as the axis of the moderate da’wah movement, as reflected in the research of Akmaliah (2022), Sunda and Fitri (2022), Ismail (2020), Saenong (2021) and Pribadi (2022). Thirdly, there are studies that explore the reinforcement tradition of ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah in response to other da’wah movements and dynamics, as observed in the research of Saini (2022), Moqsith (2016), Arifianto (2021), Fata and Ichwan (2017) and Khazanah (2022).

However, a thorough review of prior literature reveals a dearth of specific investigation into the newly emerging traditions that have evolved from their predecessors within the context of reinforcing ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah, targeting the millennial demographic. In alignment with this observation, this article endeavours to complement preceding studies. Specifically, it raises two inquiries: Firstly, what are the forms of novel traditions within the ideological reinforcement of ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah among millennials? Secondly, what are the factors underpinning the emergence of these novel traditions within the framework of reinforcing the ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah ideology among millennials? Addressing these queries will enable a comprehension of the often-overlooked endeavours towards forging new tradition-based approaches in reinforcing ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah ideology among millennials, a sphere that has received limited attention from the NU community, particularly concerning the millennial generation beyond traditional pesantren institutions.

The arguments presented within this article fortify the notion that traditional transformation is an inevitability that births new traditions aimed at enhancing existing presence and authority, currently under threat. Assorted da’wah methodologies have emerged, saturating the virtual landscape, thereby reshaping discourse, ideologies and religious dispositions of the populace. Such developments also pose a challenge to various forms of mainstream religious authority, particularly that of ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah. Multiple endeavours are undertaken to fortify these principles, integrating contemporary perspectives favoured by the millennial population. This pertains to aspects like leadership, media and da’wah methods. The integration of the hijrah community into the ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah, under the leadership of its Ustadh Hanan Attaki, serves as an illustration of this endeavour. Furthermore, there is a consolidation of Cyber ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah, along with a mastery of new media for NU da’wah purposes.

The authority of da’wah signifies the custodianship of Islamic authority itself. Da’wah is based on Tauhid (Anshory et al. 2023; Ramli, Ashath & Moghri 2023). The basis of Islamic authority stems from the Quran and hadith, both documented in the Arabic language. Those who wield Islamic authority are individuals who maintain proximity to, engage with and possess mastery over these sources. Such custodians include scholars, muftis and qadhis (Turner 2007). Terms such as kyai, ustadh, abuya and ajengan among others, represent local appellations for those occupying positions within the hierarchy of Islamic authority. In their efforts to establish their authority, these individuals further the cause of Islamic da’wah through traditional institutions such as pesantren and madrasah, which serve as authoritative centres for the transformation of Islamic knowledge (Hosen 2019). Islamic authority, beyond its foundational aspect of mastery over authoritative Islamic sources, is also grounded in experiential practice. This is exemplified by Kyai Haji Ahmad Dahlan (1868–1923), the founder of another major Islamic organisation in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah (Kim 2010).

Traditional bearers of Islamic authority function both individually and collectively, operating through educational institutions, da’wah initiatives, and social endeavours. Da’wah, as a facet of religious devotion, transpires on both personal and collective levels, with the aim of promoting virtue and deterring vice (Bensaid 2013). Preachers, who simultaneously occupy positions of religious authority, hold the duty of conveying the messages of Allah Almighty to humanity (Saputra et al. 2021). In addition to prerequisites of mental fortitude and moral integrity, wielders of da’wah authority must possess mastery over Islamic sources, forming the bedrock of religious comprehension competence (Hasanah 2020). In this regard, Natsir (2008) characterises this preparation as a stage of mental cultivation (al-i’dad al-fikri), along with scholarly readiness encompassing the understanding of religious knowledge, or tafaqqquh fi al-din, and social proficiency involving a comprehensive understanding of da’wah targets or tafaqquh fi al-nas. Furthermore, qualifications for preachers are founded on the mastery of skills and methodologies, serving as benchmarks for authoritative da’wah. Notably, the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) has extended these criteria to include not only religious knowledge but also a mastery of national perspectives (Hasanah & Tawang 2022).

The term ‘ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama’ah’ has evolved within the realm of theological discourse since the era of the companions of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) (Hasan 2005). Abbreviated as ASWAJA in Indonesian parlance, the term is frequently defined as a group or community in Islam that identifies itself as adherents to the Prophet’s Sunnah and the ways of his companions. The divergence of political viewpoints following the passing of the Prophet has instigated variations in religious interpretations. These political disparities reached a zenith after the occurrence of the fitnah kubra (the great strife), signifying the assassination of Uthman ibn Affan, which subsequently gave rise to theological divergences and even distinct Islamic factions (Farida 2014). For a segment of adherents, the ASWAJA understanding has become a reference point for theories and practices that harmoniously integrate the outward and inward dimensions of faith. Notably, NU adopts ASWAJA as its foundation for thinking, attitude and action (Harianto 2018). Nahdhatul Ulama unequivocally aligns its perspective with ASWAJA and declares itself a proponent of this ideology, specifically adhering to the theological stance of Abu Musa Al-Asy’ari or the Asy’ariyyah doctrine. In the realm of fiqh (jurisprudence), NU draws from the four main Sunni schools of thought (Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi’i and Hanbali), with practical adherence predominantly to the Shafi’i school. In the realm of tasawwuf (mysticism), NU’s orientation is influenced by the tasawwuf teachings of Junaid al-Baghdadi and Abu Hamid al-Ghazali (Hasan 2005). Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jama’ah al-Nahdhiyah embodies the religious understanding of ASWAJA as propagated by the Great Teacher Hasyim Asy’ari, the founder of NU (Hamzah 2017).

This study employs a qualitative approach using netnographic methodology to comprehensively understand cultural experiences encompassing traces, practices, networks and the realm of social media systems. The research integrates diverse research methods into three distinct categories: data collection, analysis and interpretation (Kozinets 2010). In this research, netnographic methodology is adopted to examine and select diverse conversational sources from social media and mainstream platforms related to the phenomenon of Bai’at, particularly within the context of ASWAJA among social media users, specifically the millennial generation.

The data-collection technique entails netnographic procedures. It involves identifying social media networks, such as YouTube, Instagram and Twitter, followed by identifying groups affiliated with ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah that intensely utilise social media platforms, whether on a personal level or representing organisations. Subsequently, relevant data related to the study’s topic are gathered, encompassing posts, conversations, comments, user interactions and secondary data reflecting social media discussions using specific keywords. After data accumulation, the subsequent stage involves analysis following the methodology outlined by Krippendorff (2019).

The intensification of ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah has been actively pursued by the NU community, positioned as one of the key Islamic authorities in Indonesia. These holders of Islamic authority disseminate and proliferate religious teachings through education and proselytisation, grounded in original sources or linked to trusted chains of transmission (sanad) that reinforce their authority within the NU sphere, facilitated by the study of classical Islamic texts such as the Yellow Books. The robust tradition of NU encompasses not only scholarly endeavours but also local cultural traditions developed by past scholars. Turner (2007) posits that Islamic authority is vested in those who have proximity to, interaction with and mastery over these sources, including ulemas, muftis and qadhis. Nahdhatul Ulama’s ambition is to restore the tradition of ulemas as thought leaders, guiding behaviour and actions (Asy’ari 2021). In establishing its authority, NU cultivates the concept of ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah through traditional institutions like pesantren and madrasah, acting as hubs for the authoritative transformation of Islamic knowledge (Hosen 2019). Despite its age, NU maintains recognition and trust from the public, earned through educational institutions such as NU-affiliated madrasah and pesantren scattered across the archipelago, including institutions from basic to tertiary levels. Similarly, educational endeavours like NU’s ta’lim (learning) assemblies, present both in urban and rural areas, contribute to this recognition. Additionally, NU oversees numerous affiliated autonomous organisations, further expanding its influence.

As an extensive front of scholars, NU operates not only within grassroots movements but also at higher echelons. At the grassroots, it establishes pesantren institutions in rural regions and imparts classical textual knowledge (Van Bruinessen 1995). Simultaneously, NU engages in top-tier politics, participating in high-level political and legislative roles and other centres of influence. Though an Islamic organisation rather than a political entity, individuals in NU’s cadre often hold significant positions in the government and society, reflecting both state and public trust. Alongside other Islamic organisations like Muhammadiyah, PERSIS and others, NU shares the responsibility of disseminating Islamic teachings, fostering communities, educating the populace, combating colonisation and contributing to the national and societal landscape. While differences exist, they generally generate dynamic rather than divisive interactions. Collaboration is common, based on mutual respect and alignment with respective visions and missions. For instance, Muhammadiyah champions ‘progressive Islam’, positioning itself within modernisation movements in Indonesia. It stands as the country’s largest modern Islamic organisation and authoritative institution (Kim 2010). Similarly, NU, founded as a movement by scholars, functions as the central axis of ASWAJA Islam in Indonesia (Noer 1991).

While the introduction of Hanan Attaki within the NU community may have been perceived as having minimal impact, as stated by Kiai Anwar Zahid, who advised during the pledge, ‘neither beneficial nor detrimental’, the actual influence of the Hanan Attaki pledge extends to the reception of NU among millennials. This has the potential to invigorate a segment of NU that has been less engaged in conveying teachings to the millennial generation. Furthermore, Hanan Attaki’s presence holds the promise of reshaping the perception of NU’s preaching, which has often been stereotyped as ‘traditional and outdated’, into a more appealing, contemporary, trendy and attractive endeavour (Akmaliah 2020). Despite NU’s efforts to transform its online presence in the ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama’ah spirit through Cyber NU, it is opined by Akmaliah (2020) that transnational cyber media groups exhibit greater progressiveness, engaging with more intensity. The power of the cyber media within the hijrah community can potentially contribute to the dissemination of ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah’s Islamic understanding, creating a more extensive impact. This cohort of hijrah communities, known for their ardent religiosity and zeal, presents an avenue to rediscover a more fitting course of action within the realms of Islamic and Indonesian contexts. In this hijrah movement, public figures play a pivotal role as driving forces amidst a popular culture significantly influenced by market dynamics. As religiosity trends, it experiences fluctuations, governed by various factors. As change in this era differs from previous eras, it is influenced by a multitude of factors, encompassing social, political, economic and technological aspects as asserted by Pribadi (2020). The acceptance of the founders and proponents of the hijrah movement can reshape the landscape of Islam among the contemporary millennial generation, particularly after Hanan Attaki’s pledge.

This change is not only confined to reinforcing the mission of ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah within the existing hijrah preaching movement but has also given birth to a new hijrah preaching movement among millennials adhering to ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah. Previously, NU kept its distance from the hijrah preaching movement, but the current momentum provides an opportunity to embrace and nurture this movement, competing with other forces. Historically, the hijrah community has often been associated with exponents of HTI, salafiy and wahhabiy ideologies (Zaenuri & Yusuf 2019). While confrontational and repressive tactics have been employed, albeit currently seemingly mild and conducive because of state power and authority, it is important to note that they are not inactive or inert. The forces aligned with the pro-caliphate and radical ideologies persistently market their ideas through subtly different patterns and presentations. In fact, certain factions within the hijrah community have evolved institutionally, penetrating education and Quranic memorisation institutions to establish their authority.

This study concludes that the ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah movement, previously known as a traditional preaching movement, is undergoing a departure from its conventional trajectory. Historically, this movement was primarily directed towards rural communities and the elderly, with minimal utilisation of contemporary media. However, recent developments indicate a shift in its target audience and approach. This transformation is evident in the changing preferences of the millennial generation and urban society. Formerly, millennials and urban communities were associated with the upper-middle-class demographic, more inclined towards modernist da’wah movements, the hijrah community and even transnational preaching movements. These newer movements leverage social media, information technology and modern approaches to disseminate religious messages. In this context, the ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah movement encounters challenges in maintaining its relevance. To remain pertinent, it necessitates adapting to evolving social trends and behavioural patterns.

A critical aspect to consider is the utilisation of contemporary media and a more inclusive approach to reach the millennial generation. In response to these challenges, the ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah movement can broaden its reach through social media, digital platforms and engaging content. By adopting an open and inclusive approach, the movement can capture the attention and involvement of millennials who previously held limited engagement with it. Moreover, it is crucial for the movement to reinforce religious education and enlightenment that aligns with the needs and interests of millennials. This can be accomplished by offering educational programs that intertwine religious values with the context of modern life. Changes in societal patterns and preferences are inherent in any religious movement. Consequently, the ASWAJA al-Nahdhiyah da’wah movement must continuously adapt and devise new strategies to uphold its existence amidst the ever-evolving social and cultural landscape. This ensures its continued relevance and effectiveness in disseminating religious values across various strata of society, including millennials and urban communities. However, this study is limited by its methodological aspects, as it solely relies on online media information and reports. Further research is warranted to delve deeper into the perspectives of actors and respondents through a more comprehensive qualitative approach.