This article reconsiders the historical–philosophical significance of the monk and abbot of Corbie Abbey (est. 657), Paschasius Radbertus (c. 790–860). Radbert is contextualised within the cultural and academic setting of the Carolingian period of the eighth and ninth centuries while taking into account the diverse scholarly accomplishments of his contemporaries such as Alcuin of York (c. 740–804), Rabanus Maurus (c. 780–856), Walafrid Strabo (c. 809–849) and John Scottus Eriugena (815–877). The characteristic absence of contributions regarding Radbert in otherwise comprehensive introductions and editorial works in medieval philosophy is subsequently surveyed. It is shown that only a few introductory works of note contain references to Radbert, while the current specialised research is also relatively limited. Reconsidering depictions of Radbert in several older commentaries, notably Martin Grabmann’s (1875–1949)
This article contributes to scholarship in early medieval philosophy by reassessing the philosophical influence of Paschasius Radbertus, based on the most recent specialised analyses and older modern receptions of his texts
(Grabmann,
How does the Carolingian monk Paschasius Radbertus
Against this background, the article’s research justification holds that the striking lack of references to Radbert in otherwise highly inclusive contemporary introductions and editorial works, with little to consult outside of the applicable specialised domains in early medieval research, point towards a relatively unacknowledged thinker from the early Middle Ages – who thus merits an accessible reappraisal. Reconsidering several older studies, notably the relevant passages in the first volume of early 20th-century scholar Martin Grabmann’s
Alcuin of York (730–804) set foot in the new Carolingian
Eriugena arrived at the Carolingian court, now that of Charles II, in the 840s. He can justifiably be regarded as the only genuinely speculative Carolingian philosopher (cf. Carabine
Born between 785 and 790 and brought up as an orphan at the nunnery Notre-Dame de Soissons, Radbert became a monk at and later the abbot of Corbie Abbey (est. 657, cf.
The Carolingian world of Paschasius Radbertus of Corbie.
With the completion of this refinement in the same year, strategically presented as a gift to Charles II (albeit with exactly the same title as the original and reworked versions), Radbert’s interpretation of the Eucharist came under fire again (cf. Ganz
Ratramnus’ version of
Recent interpretations prioritise
Radbert is a relatively unacknowledged thinker from the early Middle Ages: except for what eventually turned out to be the lasting nature of his version of
Why is this the case? McKitterick and Marenbon (
The most recent specialised research on Radbert is also comparatively limited. It comprises the eminent scholar of the early Middle Ages, De Jong’s (
Exploring the 12 books of
Evans thus had good reason to not only include Radbert in her introduction but to specifically highlight
The hermeneutical intention of the older generation of modern scholars is clear: if Radbert is remembered only for his role in the Eucharist debate, there would be no reason to consider him an authentic exponent of
Examples of these older studies are Ebert’s (
In the fourth section of this first volume, titled ‘Die Überlieferung und Weiterbildung der patristischen und boethianischen Anfänge der scholastischen Methode in der Vorscholastik’, Grabmann (
[
However, Grabmann did not pursue these remarks about Radbert any further, neither in the section on Radbert (Grabmann
There is no evidence that Anselm read
This article endeavoured, within a limited scope, to draw attention to the philosophical impact Paschasius Radbertus exerted on early medieval intellectual and religious culture. He should be considered an influential exponent of the development of the earliest stages of scholasticism and not be relegated to only his participation in the Eucharist debate of the ninth century. Based on the lack of references to Radbert in contemporary nonspecialised introductions and taking into account a limited specialised scholarship, he was depicted as a relatively unacknowledged thinker from the early Middle Ages: however, by reconsidering portraits in modern, less recent commentaries, of which Grabmann’s
The author declares that he has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced him in writing this article.
J.B. is the sole author of this article.
This article followed all ethical standards of research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.
This article was funded by the Department of Philosophy and Classics, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State.
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author.
Like many other medieval monks who received a sobriquet or moniker at their base monasteries, Paschasius Radbertus was primarily known as ‘Paschasius’: the byname most likely referred to the penitent deacon in the
The term ‘Carolingians’ refers to a group of diverse politicians and thinkers who worked at or were associated with successive Carolingian courts from around 780 to the end of the ninth century. For an internal periodisation of medieval philosophy from 410 to 1464 (including the Carolingian [742–877] and post-Carolingian [877–1088] periods), see Beukes (
The article’s objective is modest, namely to reassess Radbert not from the periphery of medieval philosophy but its ‘canon’. In terms of scope and methodological orientation, it is akin to
For recent overviews of Carolingian cultural and political history, see Airlie (
The transitional phase from the post-Roman to the Carolingian period (530–742) could be characterised as the ‘Dark Ages’ proper: there is, for example, virtually no record of systematic philosophical activity during these two centuries. The transition was typified by social, religious and political instability in terms of the long-term consequences of the eventual fall of Rome in 530; the resulting shift of the empirical seat to the East and the remarkable ascent of Byzantium, with a subsequent polarisation between East and West and tension between the Eastern and Western church; the rise of Islam, as a result of its almost immediate imperialist inclinations after the death of the prophet Muhammad (c. 570–632); the southern migration of several European tribes, notably the Visigoths, which by the 6th century (after their successful invasion of Rome in 410) spread throughout the Iberian Peninsula, seizing the best part of Spain, and the violent inflow of the Lombards, who eventually ruled over most of the Italian Peninsula up to 774. Within a decade after Muhammad’s death, Islam had spread from Arabia to Persia and the old Roman provinces of Syria, Palestine and Egypt. In 698, the Muslims occupied Carthage, and only a decade later, the whole of Northern Africa was under their control. Islam crossed the Strait of Gibraltar in 711, demolished the Visigoths in Spain and expanded to Portugal and the western parts of Italy. Islam’s advance towards Northern Europe was only halted by the leader of Francia (present-day France and Germany), Charles Martel (686–741). Martel’s grandson Charlemagne (Charles I [Charles the Great, Carolus Magnus, Karl der Große], 742–814) became king of the Franks in 768 and of the Lombards in 774. Charlemagne’s successor was one of his three legitimate sons, Louis I (‘the Pious’, 778–840), who from 813 acted as co-emperor and after his father’s death in 814 as sole emperor of the Frankish empire (or the Holy Roman Empire, as it was called only later). Louis the Pious was effectively succeeded by the sons with his first wife Ermengarde of Hesbaye (c. 778–818), Lothair I (795–855), Louis II (‘the German’, 806–876) and second wife Judith (of Bavaria, 797–843) and Charles II (‘the Bald’, 823–877). The two brothers and their half-brother engaged in a fierce contest for succession to the throne after Louis the Pious’ death in 840, resulting in a civil war that lasted three years and was ended by the Treaty of Verdun in August 843. According to this agreement, the Frankish empire was redivided among the three, who were already established in one kingdom each (Lothair I in Italy, Louis II in Bavaria and Charles II in Aquitaine). Lothair I was offered the central part (Francia Media), Louis II the eastern part (Francia Orientalis) and Charles II the western part (Francia Occidentalis). Although Charlemagne could during the 770s make no significant change to the dominant presence of Islam in the western parts of Spain, he did succeed in driving them back to the Pyrenees and lower Alps. He also intervened in the eastern parts of Spain and the western parts of Italy by bringing Lombardy, Bavaria and Saxony under Frankish control and having his second son Pepin (Carloman, c. 777–810) crowned as king of Italy (781–810). When Pope Leo III (c. 750–816, pope 795–816) was evicted from Rome in 799, Charlemagne famously interceded and restored Leo to the Holy See. In recognition, Leo crowned Charlemagne on 25 December 800 as the first emperor of the new empire, which included virtually all Christians from continental Western Europe at the time of Charlemagne’s death in 814.
Although the Roman empire controlled Britain for four centuries, it never conquered Ireland. Christianity, however, accelerated its attempts to christianise Ireland by the introduction of Latin academic culture, especially regarding logic, grammar and rhetoric, the first three of the seven liberal arts, otherwise known as the
At this stage, Charlemagne already had employed several foreigners as educators at his court: the Italian Peter of Pisa (Petrus Grammaticus, 744–799), the famous historian of the Lombards Paul the Deacon (Paulus Diaconus, c. 720–799) and the Spaniards Agobard, Archbishop of Lyon (c. 779–840) and Theodulf, Bishop of Orléans (c. 750–821), were all non-Frankish intellectuals who were working at the court and palace school by the time of Alcuin’s arrival (cf. Ganz
For accessible appraisals of Alcuin (also known as Alchuine, Eahlwine, Ahlwin and Alchoin), see Allott (
For Eriugena’s role in and signifance for the Carolingian period and immediately thereafter, see Beierwaltes (ed.
At the same time the Carolingian Renaissance gained momentum from the 780s onwards, the Arabic thinkers of the early Middle Ages opened their own philosophical gateways in Baghdad and Cordova, Spain. In terms of intellectual historiography, the Carolingian period in the 9th century would, after Alcuin, accordingly reflect two basic sides: the speculative work of Eriugena from the Latin Christian West and the extensive circles of rising Aristotelian scholars from the Arabic Islamic East (cf. Beukes
For an overview of Rabanus’ historical–philosophical significance, especially as an encyclopaedist, see Heyse (
Given the limited biographical information on Radbert, De Jong’s (
Just how complex Radbert’s exposition was becomes apparent in Otten’s (
The term ‘transubstantiatio’ was used informally since the 11th century (inter alia, by the bishop of Le Mans, [1096–1097], Hildebertus van Lavardin [c. 1055–1133]), but was only employed officially after the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215, subsequently designating a firm dogmatic position in the Catholic teaching on the sacrament of the altar (cf. Bautz
Two examples are Marsilius of Inghen (c. 1340–1396; cf. Bakker
Because of the more favourable reception of his version of
One may add, counter-intuitively so for the modern reader, that Ratramnus’ interpretation conformed more closely to the mediated nature of the Carolingian worldview than that of Radbert. To an even greater extent than in the central and later Middle Ages, the mediated nature of all things was the defining feature of the worldview in the early period: everything in this world was a sign of a higher order, mediating the divine and the mundane, representing not itself but an elevated and wholly different reality (cf. Colish
See De Jong and Lake (
For an exposition on the (problem of the) ‘canon’ in medieval philosophy, see Beukes (
Apart from Radbert, Evans (
For instance, Luscombe’s (
Also see Meens et al. (eds.
Canabiss’ (
Elaborating on scholasticism and the scholastic method as such falls beyond the scope of this article: for recent translations of and introductions to
Also, see Grégoire’s (
Indeed, ‘[
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