The last 3 years have witnessed a period of substantial volatility in Cameroon. In 2016, protests within the minority Anglophone regions against the obligatory use of French in schools triggered a period of considerable unrest, in which hundreds of people have been incarcerated and killed. Following an increased security presence in the English-speaking regions, armed groups have surfaced calling for secession – the creation of an independent nation of Ambazonia. In view of this escalating crisis, this article will investigate how the ‘Anglophone problem’ in Cameroon might be brought to bear upon the African theological debate by examining issues of violence, marginalisation and fragmentation within the two English-speaking areas of Cameroon.
This article seeks to consider what kind of theological response might be appropriate to the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon. The ‘Anglophone problem’ has attracted significant attention since the 1980s (Konings
The distinctiveness of the Cameroonian context indicates that a particular form of theological reflection is needed. Unfortunately, while writers like Desmond Tutu have affirmed the need for ‘a plurality of theologies’ for the myriad of contexts and peoples within the continent (Tutu
Over the last 3 years there has been considerable unrest and violence (BBC
Given current events, it would appear rash to dismiss certain theological emphases as outdated. Within the African theological landscape, there should be room for a wide variety of models. This surely comes with the vast terrain involved (Orobator
Having introduced the motivation for this study, the remainder of this article will explore what might constitute an appropriate theological response to the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon. For clarity, it is helpful at this juncture to list the main points that will be considered:
a discussion of the background to the Anglophone problem:
the marginalisation of Anglophones in Cameroon a rising sense of Anglophone consciousness the problem of fragmentation among the Anglophone community
a discussion of the possible theological responses to the Anglophone problem:
a brief introduction to some of the principal methods advanced within African theology a discussion of Anglophone Cameroonian theologians in relation to these methods
an Ambazonian theology?
potential criticisms Anglophone liberation or Ambazonian secession? violent or non-violent resistance?
The reasons for the present crisis may not be immediately obvious. Recent events may prompt those unfamiliar with the Cameroonian context to ask the following question: ‘what exactly is the Anglophone’s problem? Why don’t they just learn French?’
At the outset it is necessary to explain the existence of two English-speaking regions within a mostly French-speaking state (Konings
In Cameroon, decolonialism did not bring about an end to oppression but instead brought about what the Francophone Cameroonian (FC) Philosopher Achille Mbembe refers to as a ‘becoming Black of the world’ (
For 30 years after independence, until the University of Buea was founded (1992), it was impossible to pursue higher education in English medium (Mbaku
Furthermore, government offices within the Anglophone regions, the courts and even the post office use French medium. In effect, English-speaking Cameroonians are being marginalised – they are second-class citizens in a Francophone-dominated nation. This situation is often referred to as the ‘Anglophone problem’ (Anyefru
The marginalisation of the English-speaking regions has provoked an interesting response. According to Gifford (
The anglophones have become particularly strident in their denunciation of [Paul] Biya’s government which they tend to dismiss as totally corrupt and incompetent. Their contempt has grown in tandem with a curious romanticizing of their British colonial legacy. (p. 247)
Anyefru clarifies that this community views itself as being distinctive not only because it has its own official language but also because it has inherited Anglo-Saxon traditions of public administration, law and education. The ‘educational, legal, administrative, political, governance and institutional culture and value systems are all English-derived’ (Anyefru
In view of the above, it is unfortunate that ethnoregional tensions within the English-speaking community have often hindered Anglophones from making a united challenge against their marginalisation (Konings
During the colonial era it was common for differences of this nature to be exaggerated in order to prevent opposition to the imperial power. According to the FC Philosopher Achille Mbembe (
In a colonial context, this constant effort to separate (and thus to differentiate) was partly a consequence of an anxiety of annihilation felt by the colonizers themselves. Numerically inferior but endowed with powerful means of destruction, the colonizers lived in perpetual fear of being surrounded on all sides by ‘evil objects’ threatening their very survival and existence.
As a result of this, the colonial strategy involved the deliberate fragmentation of a territory into local administrative regions containing a single culturally and linguistically homogeneous group where people were governed indirectly through local structures of authority (Berman
From the above it is apparent that decades of marginalisation have reinforced an Anglophone identity in Cameroonians originating from the north and southwest regions of the country. However, it has also been noted that Anglophone fragmentation (particularly ethnic division) has at times served to prevent them from offering a united response to these problems. Therefore, having briefly surveyed the contours of the Anglophone crisis, it is now necessary to question what, of some of the different possibilities available, might constitute the most appropriate theological response to this problem.
Within African theological debates there are a plethora of important themes, including inculturation, liberation and reconstruction. A number of writers, emphasising the legitimacy of African culture, have focussed upon the integration of Christian identity with their rich cultural and religious heritage (Bediako
Several FC theologians have explored the theme of inculturation (Atangana
Nkwain, an Anglophone Roman Catholic theologian from the northwest, argues that, given the enormous difficulties facing contextual theologians in a country with over 200 languages, it is very important that different ethnic groups do not become polarised into competing interest groups (
Pointing out how important it is for Anglophones to be united – ‘division cripples the opposition’ – Nkwain emphasises that theologians must balance the needs and identity of the many different tribes (
A variety of theologies may be classified as liberative (De La Torre
One potential criticism of these writers is that while they were proponents of liberation they did not address the Anglophone problem in any detail. However, a possible reason for this might be that Ela and Mveng originated in the Francophone region and thus would not directly experience the effects of Anglophone marginalisation. Nevertheless, any criticism of these writers must be tempered by the fact that both suffered greatly for speaking the truth to power (Gifford
Anglophone theological voices on this matter are also scarce. The most detailed analysis by an Anglophone of the relationship between liberation theology and the Cameroonian context is given by Prof. Wan-Tatah (Youngstown Ohio State University). His work,
Similar criticisms might be made of Prof. Elias Bongmba, an Anglophone based at Rice University (Texas). For example, he has published a work focusing on theological responses to the HIV and/or AIDS crisis in Cameroon (
Nevertheless, while Bongmba uses Cameroon and other contexts to illustrate these points, the Anglophone problem is not the focus of this work and, while implicit, is not addressed in any detail (
One exception to this trend is the work of Cardinal Archbishop Christian Tumi, from the northwest of Cameroon, who has censured writers who disregard the Anglophone problem (
Tumi’s general concern for Cameroon’s political restoration resonates with the theme of reconstruction in African theology (Bongmba
Writing from the Kenyan context, Mugambi likewise argues that Africa has entered a new historical phase now that ‘institutionalized racism, formal colonialism, and cold-war tutelage’ have reached their ‘end’. He argues that the release of Nelson Mandela from prison, and its implications for South Africa and the rest of the continent, requires an ‘appraisal of the theologies of liberation and inculturation’ which had shaped African theology previously (
In evaluating these themes, Bongmba considers that Tumi’s critical engagement with the state, and his critical perspective on the social and political context in Cameroon, resembles the theology of reconstruction (Bongmba
This country would be something else than what it is today if Cameroonians from north to south, from east to west, Anglophones or Francophone realized that we are brothers and sisters and capable of loving instead of hating, of uniting instead of dividing, or practicing justice and peace instead of injustice and violence, of pardoning instead of having the desire to revenge. (p. 179)
In this vein, Tumi’s work might be interpreted as an attempt to restore rather than divide Cameroon. Furthermore, like Villa-Vincencio, while he is quick to challenge the abuse of power, he has strongly encouraged Cameroonians to realise their constitutional liberty and maintain justice at all levels of society (Tumi
This type of theological orientation is also present in FC writers (Essome
There is great value in the theme of reconstruction and it would be foolish to dismiss its relevance for Cameroon. Nevertheless, it is all too easy to make a theological prescription derived for one African context into a continent-wide solution. Critics of this approach have pointed out that while some African countries are now free of despotism and tyranny, and are in a position to rebuild their nations, people living in other nations are still suffering oppression. For example, the South African theologian Tinyiko Maluleke argues that these ‘theologies of reconstruction … jump too quickly from Egypt to Canaan, from exile to post-exile – skipping the meandering and long sojourn in the wilderness’ (
Is there a need for an Anglophone liberation theology whose sole purpose is to apply the liberating power of the gospel to their situation? To my knowledge, none of the writers above have explored the creation of a distinctive theology of this kind – a confrontation between the gospel and the Anglophone crisis (Cone
Opponents of a proposal of this nature may ridicule the idea of a theology permeated by an Anglophone consciousness. Critics might argue that Anglophones are not a distinct people group as they only exist as a result of the colonial legacy. For example, although he does not discuss the possibility of an Ambazonian theology of liberation, the FC Philosopher Mbembe argues that the idea of an Anglophone state is absurd (Mbembe
There are a number of problems with Mbembe’s analysis.
The outside observer might enquire why Dalit Christian liberation theologians have chosen to identify themselves using a derogatory non-Christian concept, signifying their marginalisation in a majority ‘Hindu society … historically marked by a rigid form of social stratification’ (Michael
The term Dalit is revelatory to Dalits and non-Dalits of a situation of oppression. Attempts to change the terms because they are of reproach is only an exercise in evading the problem. (Devasahayam
The argument here is that the experience of being Dalit in an oppressive social system should be named so that people can be conscientised of the reality. As a result, the term does not remain an alien category of discrimination but instead becomes ‘a term of protest’ against the caste system. Dalit identity is thereby transformed into an ‘anti-caste identity’ and becomes something new and different – independent of Hindu conceptions – a positive expression of hope (Haokip
There is a world of difference between India and Cameroon. Nevertheless, like Anglophones in Cameroon, Dalits in India suffer oppression from their fellow countrymen. While Dalit Christian theologians have decided to continue using the concept Dalit (which has connotations of Hindu oppression) as a template for their variant of liberation theology so might Anglophone Christians utilise the concept Anglophone (with its own connotations of colonial oppression) to explore what the Christian gospel might have to say to men and women, whose existence is daily threatened by the state (Cone
The situation in Cameroon is deteriorating every day. In a recent report (June 2019), the General Secretary of the Norwegian Refugee Council has said that if nothing changes, ‘full-blown war’ will be unavoidable (Egeland
This raises the question as to whether or not Anglophones in Cameroon should follow the pattern of black American liberation theologians, resist violence and struggle to remain a part of Cameroon in the hope that it will one day be possible to be both an Anglophone and a Cameroonian ‘without being cursed and spit upon by his fellows’ or ‘losing the opportunity of self-development’ (Du Bois
Neither of these liberative approaches resonate entirely with the problem under discussion. Cameroon is not America. The legal system in Cameroon is unlikely to bring Anglophones justice – especially given the fact that legal proceedings are now conducted in a language (French) many do not understand. Moreover, while violent organised resistance may prove futile, it is evident that Anglophone citizens cannot stand by and watch their villages being razed to the ground by the security forces. This raises the question as to whether or not a combination or synthesis of these approaches may be relevant for liberation theologians in this context.
Firstly, given the brutal killing of many innocent people by the state, it would appear that a liberation theology supporting organised resistance against the government is needed. However, it is necessary to explore what, in this context, organised resistance might imply. After all, ‘it is simply not true to say that every possible use of physical force is violence and that no matter what the circumstances may be it is never permissible’ (Kairos Document
This is not to say that any use of force at any time by people who are oppressed is permissible simply because they are struggling for their liberation. There have been cases of killing and maiming that no Christian would want to approve of. But then our disapproval is based upon a concern for genuine liberation and a conviction that such acts are unnecessary, counter-productive and unjustifiable and not because they fall under a blanket condemnation of any use of physical force in any circumstance. (Kairos Document
In this sense, it is regrettable that the use of force may at certain times be required if Anglophones are to obtain their liberty. In this sense an authentic AC theology of liberation should bear in mind that the ‘moral illegitimacy’ of the current regime means that Christians:
will have to be involved at times in civil disobedience. A Church that takes its responsibilities seriously in these circumstances will sometimes have to confront and to disobey the State in order to obey God. (Kairos Document
This would imply a conditional support of those engaged in organised resistance against the Cameroonian state.
Secondly, in a manner comparable to the strategy employed in the United States, Anglophones should be encouraged to pursue their grievances through legal means. Thus, while the legal system in Cameroon is notoriously corrupt, the pursuit of emancipation and justice through international courts should surely be encouraged by AC theologians. While there is profound resistance to the secession of Ambazonia, it is clear that Anglophones themselves should be afforded the chance (denied to them by the British government) to vote on whether or not they want to become a separate sovereign nation. Francophones who would ridicule the idea of a free and independent Ambazonia (Lado
This article does not presume to have an answer to all these questions. Neither does it seek to formulate an Ambazonian theology for university professors and scholars to debate (Cone
However, given the divide and rule strategy employed by successive Francophone governments, it would appear that an exclusive focus on the theme of inculturation could potentially be counter-productive at this moment in time. Moreover, while there is clearly scope for a theology of reconstruction in this setting, it could be premature to formulate such an approach in view of the continued suppression of constitutional freedoms and the ongoing brutality faced by ordinary citizens. For these reasons, and this should not be interpreted as an eternal prescription, it is argued that the creation of an Anglophone theology of liberation – focussed upon what the gospel of Christ means for oppressed Anglophone men and women – should be the focus at this particular time. It is hoped that an Anglophone/Ambazonian theology of this kind might bolster organised resistance in a manner comparable to that of South African black theology during the time of apartheid.
The author would like to thank Graham Duncan, Mike Brealey, Lilian Dube and Tinyiko Maluleke for their comments on earlier drafts of this article.
The author dedicates this article to all his brothers and sisters in Cameroon and expresses his gratitude to the Transatlantic Round Table on Religion and Race for inspiring him to develop the paper he presented (London 2015) into the present article.
The author declares that no competing interest exists.
M.S. is the sole author of this article.
This article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author.
Cardinal Archbishop Christian Tumi remains an exception to this. Although he does not survey the theological options in detail, he remains a powerful Christian voice in the political debate (Tumi
Other writers have attempted to synthesise these different emphases (Bujo
None of the suggestions offered here should be interpreted as a claim to exclusivity given the contingent and partial nature of all theological enquiry (Dedji
When I presented an earlier draft of this paper (2015), I was asked this very question by a leading figure in contemporary African theology. The example of the Soweto uprising (June 1976) might have afforded a helpful response to his question. During apartheid, the imposition of Afrikaans – the language of the oppressor – as a medium of instruction in South African schools provoked a series of protests and other forms of organised resistance which eventually brought the apartheid regime to its knees (SAHO
The Anglophones had requested that they should be given the option of becoming an independent nation but this option was not given to them by the British government.
Achille Mbembe (
In 1998 and 1999 Cameroon was deemed to be the most corrupt country in the world (BBC
These facilities were closed so as to increase dependence on the east.
Cameroon is one of the most multilingual countries in Africa (Kouega
John Mbiti’s writing offers a classic example of this emphasis in African theology (Mbiti
Manas Buthelezi offers a paradigmatic example of this emphasis (Buthelezi
African Women’s Theology can also be classified as a separate category of theological discourse as, while it encourages critical reflection upon established cultural practices, it seeks to remain African in identity. Nevertheless, its liberative emphasis clearly qualifies it as a form of liberation theology (Oduyoye
This is partly because for many years it has been impossible to study theology to PhD level within Cameroon in the medium of English.
Nkwain applies Ruth Cohn’s ‘Theme-Centred Interaction’ to the Cameroonian situation and considers that this method will help balance the needs between one cultural group and that of another (Cohn
These also include studies on the empowerment of African women (Atem
A German missionary, writing in one of the few theological journals published in Anglophone Cameroon, has also argued for a combination of inculturation and liberation: ‘in principle every theology must be contextual … and every theology must be liberating’ (Zimmermann
While Mveng’s
Like Ela and Mveng, Fabien Boulaga FC philosopher (former Catholic) has also been categorised as a proponent of this liberation/inculturation synthesis. Nevertheless, while emphasising that Christianity must be conceptually born again in the African situation (Boulaga
Mveng was murdered and Ela was forced into exile.
The South African theologian Tinyiko Maluleke has argued that ‘a theology of HIV/AIDS is the face of a new “theology of liberation”’ (Maluleke
Similar points might be made of his excellent theological reflection upon the ongoing prevalence of Witchcraft in Africa (Bongmba
This liberative emphasis is indicated in a number of ways. For example,
There is profound resistance to the secession of Ambazonia. For example, unlike many other churches, the Roman Catholic Church has managed to remain united across this divided country and Catholic writers appear to be more supportive of a united federal Cameroon than they are of the secession of Ambazonia (Mbembe
While Mbembe’s points are astute, it is unlikely that any people group will renounce the culture or language that they have been formed within – even if it is a culture influenced by a colonial power. For this reason, it would seem that his analysis is disconnected from the reality of daily life for Cameroonians. Furthermore, he is not an Anglophone and, having spent much of his life outside of Cameroon, acknowledges his disconnectedness from his home country. He describes himself as ‘a citizen of nowhere in particular … Belonging to nowhere in particular, I have become my own home, a portable house I take with me wherever I happen to find a roof. I have to find a center that is not tangible, some form of interiority that gives me a sense of inner stability amidst the turbulence and vagaries of where life takes me. This state of permanent motion and fugitiveness has become an important dimension of the way I think’ (Oboe
Furthermore, while Mbembe’s observations – regarding the need to jettison the inheritance of a European cultural curse – are significant, it is clear that language is intrinsically connected to culture (Geertz
For instance, even if it were true that the notion of an Anglophone identity remains nothing more than a vestige of the colonial legacy, the term ‘Ambazonian’ has become a marker of identity – a category of political identification and belonging in the face of government oppression.
I am thankful to one of my students for challenging me to examine this question more fully.
The possibility of success is not ruled out altogether here. Historically, there have been examples in which a minority has, against all the odds, miraculously obtained victory (Mitchell
Within the tradition of black liberation theology it has been erroneously suggested that ‘while black Americans continually undergo the tug between their Americanness and the nagging question mark about their African heritage’, Africans do not experience this type of double consciousness (Hopkins
This article was conceived while teaching a course on African theology in Cameroon when I found a half-eaten copy of James Cone’s (
I dedicate this article to all my brothers and sisters in Cameroon and express my gratitude to the Transatlantic Round Table on Religion and Race inspiring me to develop this article.