Ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the Ethics Committee of the Indonesian Christian University in the Moluccas (reference no.: 252/UKIM.H5.FFT/C/2025).

Fisherwomen in the Moluccas play a central role in sustaining the economic life of their families and coastal communities. However, their contributions often remain invisible in official narratives – both in state policies and church programmes. To explore this dynamic, this study maps the everyday activities of fisherwomen in eight villages across four island regions: Ambon, Kei, Tanimbar and Aru. These activities are categorised into productive work (e.g. bameti,³ fishing, seaweed cultivation, fish selling or the work of jibu-jibu), reproductive work (e.g. food preparation, child-rearing and supporting husbands) and social-spiritual engagement.

By presenting these regional findings, this article highlights the pattern of double and even triple workloads borne by fisherwomen, and how they interpret their economic roles not only as a necessity, but also as spiritual and communal responsibility. These findings serve as the foundation for assessing whether their practices reflect a liberative and gender-just theology – drawing on the frameworks of Ivone Gebara, Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza and Rosemary Radford Ruether – or whether they reinforce patriarchal structures embedded in religious and cultural traditions. The fisherwomen’s roles in each location are detailed in Table 1.

Table 1 illustrates the multifaceted roles performed by fisherwomen in eight research locations, organised into four domains: productive, reproductive, social and spiritual. The productive role refers to activities such as fishing, seaweed farming and seafood trading – highlighting their economic contributions. The reproductive role encompasses domestic duties, including childcare, food preparation and household management. The social role involves active engagement in community networks and collective enterprises. The spiritual role reflects adherence to customary beliefs and practices, such as prayers before going to sea and observance of taboos.

These findings show that fisherwomen are not merely passive supporters of their households but are active agents in sustaining economic livelihoods and preserving cultural identity. Their spiritual engagement reinforces a theological dimension to their economic activities, suggesting a deeper connection between livelihood and faith. By carrying out productive, reproductive, social and spiritual roles, fisherwomen demonstrate a holistic contribution to the resilience and sustainability of coastal communities. This complexity challenges narrow economic definitions of labour and opens space for a theological revaluation of gendered work in marine societies.

Although fisherwomen play a very important and complex role, in reality, they experience a lot of discrimination. This is illustrated in Table 2.

As shown in Table 2, fisherwomen across all locations face layered discrimination – structural, cultural, institutional and economic. These barriers range from a lack of legal recognition to exclusion from decision-making and unjust profit-sharing. Together, they reflect systemic gender bias embedded in both traditional customs and state mechanisms.

To provide a more holistic view of gender relations within Moluccan fishing communities, this section incorporates male perspectives alongside those of fisherwomen. While men continue to dominate access to capital, equipment and marine territories, many are beginning to recognise women’s growing roles in seaweed farming, fish processing and trade. These evolving dynamics suggest that gender roles are relational and negotiated, rather than fixed binaries.

As shown in Table 3, regions such as the Kei Islands exhibit more egalitarian patterns, whereas others remain shaped by patriarchal constraints. This underscores the need for gender analysis that captures both resistance and adaptation within these communities.

These relational gender patterns echo Connell and Messerschmidt’s (2005) concept of adaptive masculinities and Judith Jordan’s notion of relational resilience as developed within Relational-Cultural Theory (Jordan 1992). They also align with feminist theological calls for co-agency and mutuality (Gebara 1999; Russell 1993). Importantly, feminist theologians from Asia and Africa offer critical perspectives. Kanyoro (2002) critiques the church’s complicity in reinforcing patriarchal structures; Kyung (1990) advocates active solidarity with suffering women; and Maggay (1996) envisions Christianity as a transformative social force. These voices deepen the theological analysis and affirm the urgency of inclusive, justice-oriented ecclesial engagement.

Fisherwomen across eight research sites in the Moluccas embody a distinctive form of feminist economic theology. Grounded in lived experience rather than formal doctrine, this theology is expressed through interwoven practices of faith, economic collaboration, ecological stewardship, mutual care and cultural resistance. These interconnected dimensions are summarised in Table 4.

These dimensions are not discrete categories, but facets of a holistic, embodied theology that sustains fisherwomen amid social marginalisation and ecological pressures. Their spirituality is seamlessly integrated with labour and social relations, while acts of mutual care often serve as quiet resistance to patriarchal norms.

Fisherwomen’s economic lives in the Moluccas are marked by an inseparable intertwining of spiritual vocation, ecological consciousness and embodied resistance. Their labour is not understood merely as economic survival, but as a sacred calling, grounded in everyday spiritual praxis. Prayers accompany fishing activities and ritual observances – such as keeping the kitchen fire burning while men are at sea – are believed to invite divine blessing (Interview, NK, Wab – Kei Kecil, 25 August 2024). While menstrual taboos continue to limit some women’s mobility, others assert agency by fishing during their periods, quietly praying for protection. One woman testified, ‘Beta pergi pancing diam-diam, tapi tetap doa. Tuhan tahu beta kerja untuk keluarga’ [I go fishing quietly, but I still pray. God knows I work for my family]. Ecological care is also shaped by theological conviction; tending seaweed crops is perceived as stewardship [penjagaan ciptaan] and an act of faith. As one woman from Kobraur shared, she checks her seaweed lines daily ‘seperti jaga anak sendiri’ [like caring for my own child], underscoring the intimate, spiritual dimension of environmental labour (Interview, BS, Kobraur – Aru Islands, 20 August 2024).

This sacred-economic logic extends into household and communal structures, where egalitarian values and mutual care underpin daily life. Within families, men and women often share roles fluidly – spouses alternate fishing duties, and children assist in seaweed cultivation (Interview, RL, Leahari – Ambon, 26 July 2024). A woman from Apara described her family as ‘kerja sama, bukan atur-atur’ [collaborative, not authoritarian], resisting rigid patriarchal norms (Interview, MS, Apara – Aru Islands, 20 August 2024). Solidarity also manifests in informal community systems: women engage in interest-free lending, shared fish marketing and cooperative transport – all of which prioritise relational wellbeing over individual profit (Interview, LH, Latuhalat – Ambon, 26 July 2024). Resistance is not always overt, but it is theologically potent. In Lermatang, one fisherwoman continues to fish during menstruation ‘karena beta harus hidup juga’ [because I have to survive too], defying cultural restrictions for the sake of her household (Interview, NK, Lermatang – Tanimbar Islands, 18 August 2024). Meanwhile, mothers in Waai are raising daughters to become economically self-reliant, equipping them with skills to challenge gender norms in both market and marine spaces (Interview, RR, Waai – Ambon, 26 July 2024). These lived practices constitute a feminist economic theology from below – rooted in struggle, sustained by faith and oriented towards justice within everyday life.

Fisherwomen in the Moluccas sustain both household economies and coastal livelihoods through daily labour and relational networks. Their roles, however, are shaped not only by socio-economic conditions and customary law (adat), but also by religious teachings and ecclesial attitudes. Churches – as moral and theological institutions – can either challenge gender injustice or inadvertently legitimise it through silence or complicity. Field research revealed a range of ecclesial responses, from active support to passive affirmation of patriarchal norms. These patterns are summarised in Table 5.

Overall, the data shown in Table 5 reveal a predominantly neutral or passive stance by churches towards fisherwomen’s economic and theological agency. Only in Lermatang was there active theological and institutional support, while in most other locations, religious leaders either deferred to patriarchal adat or offered only moral encouragement without structural advocacy. This absence of prophetic engagement limits the transformative potential of religious institutions. Such institutional passivity reflects what Ivone Gebara terms the ‘failure of theology to liberate when it does not emerge from the experience of oppressed women’ (1999:53). Although fisherwomen construct their own feminist economic theology from below, the institutional church remains largely disengaged from this contextual praxis. In effect, the church risks reproducing what Nancy Fraser calls a double injustice: the misrecognition of fisherwomen’s contributions and the maldistribution of resources and theological legitimacy (Fraser 1997:19).

This institutional gap becomes even more stark when viewed through Asian and African feminist theological lenses. Musimbi Kanyoro argues that churches often adopt patriarchal cultures uncritically, rather than interrogate them (Kanyoro 2002:41). In the Moluccan context – where ecclesial authority frequently overlaps with customary law – this uncritical stance legitimises structural injustice. Similarly, Chung Hyun Kyung urges churches to move from passive moralism to active solidarity, especially with women whose suffering is often spiritualised or romanticised without systemic redress (Kyung 1990:62). Melba Maggay further emphasises that Christianity must serve as an agent of social transformation, not a ‘guardian of the status quo’ (Maggay 1996:21).

Seen from this perspective, many Moluccan churches fall short of embodying what Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza envisions as a ‘discipleship of equals’ (1993:120). While fisherwomen enact egalitarian and theologically rich practices in daily life, ecclesial structures have yet to affirm or integrate their agency into theological discourse and leadership roles.

In sum, while grassroots expressions of feminist economic theology thrive among fisherwomen, they remain institutionally unsupported. For the church to become a site of liberation rather than complicity, it must critically engage with local culture, affirm gender justice theologically and institutionalise its solidarity with women who sustain both faith and economy at the margins.

Jibu-jibu are women who play a critical yet often overlooked role within the fisheries economy in the Moluccas. Unlike women who participate directly in fishing activities at sea, jibu-jibu focus on processing and marketing the catch – selling fish in markets or directly to consumers. Despite their central contribution in ensuring that fisheries products reach households and generate income, they remain invisible in both social recognition and formal fisheries policies. As one fisherwoman from Wab (Kei Kecil Islands) stated:

The marginalisation of jibu-jibu reflects deeper structural and cultural discrimination. Their labour is excluded from fisheries statistics, and they are denied access to state aid typically reserved for those formally registered as fishers – usually men at sea. Their work is also culturally devalued, often regarded as merely supportive or less strenuous, reinforcing gendered hierarchies within the household and community. Yet their contribution is vital to household survival and local economies. As a fisherwoman from Lermatang explained:

In response to this marginalisation, jibu-jibu cultivate a form of feminist economic theology from below, expressed through spiritual praxis, mutual solidarity and everyday resistance. Many engage in prayer before selling fish, viewing their labour as divinely blessed despite a lack of recognition. Their work often reflects egalitarian family dynamics, where spouses and children share responsibilities across land and sea. They also uphold sustainability ethics through careful handling of fresh fish and long-term business practices. As one woman from Ambon stated: ‘We sell fish with prayer, hoping that God will bless it, even though our work is not as visible as those who go to sea’ (Interview, NK, Ambon Island, 26 July 2024). By continuing to work, support others and challenge restrictive gender norms, jibu-jibu embody a theologically grounded resistance to patriarchal exclusion.

Fisherwomen across the Moluccas, including jibu-jibu (fish processors and vendors), embody a lived feminist economic theology grounded in struggle, care and spiritual devotion. Their daily labour reflects what Ivone Gebara (1999) describes as theology born from marginalised women’s everyday experiences. Through practices like praying before selling fish or observing traditional taboos, these women perform a spirituality of work – often without formal recognition. This echoes Nancy Folbre’s (2001) critique that women’s unpaid and informal labour is structurally undervalued.

Their economic activities also reveal relational models that challenge patriarchal norms. In many households, responsibilities are shared – men fish while women process and market the catch. This egalitarian ethos resonates with Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza’s (1993) concept of partnership and connects to ecofeminist principles when women engage in sustainable seaweed farming and resource care (Ruether 1992). Such praxis reflects not only survival strategies but also a moral economy grounded in justice and reciprocity.

At the community level, fisherwomen practise what Letty Russell (1993) calls an ‘economy of grace’, where mutual care, resource-sharing and interest-free loans defy capitalist individualism. This supports real-life freedoms in line with Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum’s capabilities approach (Nussbaum 2000; Sen 1999). Their quiet defiance – persisting in work despite taboos, raising daughters to be independent – manifests what Kwok Pui-lan (2000) terms theological resistance. Nancy Fraser’s (1997) dual call for recognition and redistribution is embodied here: fisherwomen challenge cultural and economic exclusion simultaneously.

Yet these liberative expressions remain constrained without institutional support. The Church in the Moluccas has at times reinforced patriarchal norms, but it also holds potential to affirm women’s theological agency. Gender-inclusive liturgies and ecclesial reforms could align with Asian feminist theologies that prioritise justice, context and communal transformation (Kanyoro 2002; Kyung 1990). In this light, feminist economic theology is not only a descriptive tool but a normative call – inviting churches and communities to affirm women’s embodied wisdom as vital to economic and spiritual renewal.

Building on the lived theological praxis of fisherwomen, churches in the Moluccas are called to respond both pastorally and prophetically. Two interconnected strategies can effectively advance gender justice and economic dignity:

Liturgy and institutional reform: A gender-inclusive liturgy integrates biblical narratives that highlight women’s roles, such as Lydia (Ac 16), the widow of Zarephath (1 Ki 17) and the women at Jesus’ tomb (Lk 24). Incorporating prayers, hymns and reflections rooted in women’s lived experiences aligns with Ivone Gebara’s theology and Chung Hyun Kyung’s Spirit-filled vision of worship. Furthermore, encouraging women to lead prayers, preach and read Scripture openly challenges the symbolic marginalisation of female voices and affirms their theological agency. Institutional transformation requires revising church policies to support women’s participation in leadership, ministry and pastoral decision-making. This includes implementing gender-sensitive training in seminaries and church programmes. Additionally, adopting Musimbi Kanyoro’s cultural hermeneutics invites the church to critically examine patriarchal traditions and reimagine a more egalitarian church life.

Economic advocacy and community empowerment: Supporting fisherwomen’s cooperatives involves helping establish or strengthen women’s groups in fish processing, marketing and seaweed cultivation through financial training, business literacy and collective savings schemes. Churches can collaborate with local governments and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to enhance access to capital, legal recognition (such as identity documentation for women fishers), and equitable market opportunities. Promoting economic dignity is understood as a theological mission, embodying Letty Russell’s concept of an ‘economy of grace’ where mutual care, generosity and justice take precedence over competition. Public advocacy by the church serves to address gender-based economic disparities and campaign for structural reforms that improve coastal communities’ wellbeing.

This dual approach – liturgical reform and economic advocacy – calls the church to be not only a reflective space but an agent of justice. By affirming fisherwomen’s spiritual and economic contributions, the church participates in a transformative theology rooted in care, reciprocity and liberation.

This study is contextually grounded in eight coastal villages in the Moluccas and, as such, its findings may not be readily generalisable to fisherfolk in other regions of Indonesia with distinct socio-cultural or ecological characteristics. While the qualitative approach employed allows for rich insights into lived experiences, it is inherently shaped by personal narratives, which may be influenced by local taboos, gendered power relations or silences surrounding women’s roles.

Importantly, the research integrates both women’s and men’s perspectives, offering a more nuanced and dialogical understanding of gender within fishing communities. Nevertheless, further research is needed to explore a wider range of geographical and cultural contexts, which could contribute to a more comprehensive and comparative understanding of gender dynamics in coastal economies.