This article focusses specifically on Christian faith communities. Faith communities are non-profit formally registered entities that include churches and faith-based non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Other authors use FBOs as an overarching term for these kinds of organisations. Each of these terms is controversial with regard to how inclusive or exclusive they are for the huge variety of organisational forms in the field of faith-based collective activities (e.g. Vähäkangas et al. 2022). While we acknowledge that the term, faith communities, includes a plurality of faiths like African Traditional Religion (ATR), Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, etc., it is, in this study, limited to Christian faith communities or interfaith work in which Christian faith communities participate. That includes local Christian churches and Christian non-governmental organisations (CFBOs).

Intimate partner violence is a form of VAW. It is essentially defined by the WHO as an act of gender-based violence (GBV), which constitutes sexual, physical, psychological and aggressive and controlling behaviour by an intimate partner or ex-partner (WHO 2017:vii). However, it may also include death and dehumanising cultural practices. While some studies distinguish IPV from other forms of violence (Bazargan-Hejazi et al. 2013:39), other studies alternate IPV with domestic violence (DV) (Sardenberg 2011:4) or family violence (FV) (Bernardi & Steyn 2021:39). Although IPV occurs within the context of intimate relationships in the home, DV can encompass violence within household relationships, which may not necessarily involve intimate partners. Therefore, differentiations are needed for clarity and accurate representations of the forms of violence being addressed. In this article, the terms IPV, VAW and GBV will be used interchangeably to encompass the specific context of violence that occurs in intimate partner relationships.

The context of the study is SSA. According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 49 countries fall within the SSA. They include Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cabo Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo (the Republic of), Cote d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Eswatini, Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Lesotho, Kenya, Madagascar, Mali, Malawi, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra-Leone, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

The first phase of the literature search was conducted on 11 September 2021, in nine databases and academic search engines. These include the Journal of Religion in Africa, Oria, Journal of Aggression, Journal of Pastoral Care, Scopus, Atla Religion database, Socindex, Google Scholar and the last in SUNScholar Research Repository on 16 July 2022. The second phase of the literature search was again conducted in all the aforementioned sources for current and updated literature on the topic from 14 January 2024 to 23 January 2024.

Both phases of the literature search involved electronic and manual searches. The electronic searches were conducted using the nine databases and search engines. Manual searches were also performed in bibliographies to identify additional relevant books, book chapters, articles, conference proceedings and unpublished dissertations.

After completing stages 1–5, we consulted with four practitioners and experts who consisted of pastors, leaders of CFBOs and social activists against IPV. They were presented with the results and asked these three questions, the responses of which were analysed and written out by both authors: (1) What are the most important results of the scoping review according to your evaluation? (2) What perspectives and publications are you missing in the scoping review? (3) In your view, how should the article conclude?

The initial search terms included: ‘intimate partner violence’ OR ‘gender-based violence’ OR ‘domestic violence’ AND Christian communi* OR faith-based organi* AND ‘Sub-Saharan Africa’ OR ‘West Africa’ AND ‘interventions’ OR ‘response’ OR ‘proactive’ OR ‘reactive’ AND ‘women’. This was later refined to include:

religion, faith-based organisations, faith communities, intimate partner violence, gender-based violence, violence against women, interventions, Africa. The search was filtered to include academic literature in English, published in open access journals, peer-reviewed articles, book chapters and dissertations, published between 2000 and early 2024. The searches were reiteratively carried out to ensure rigour and took almost 8 weeks altogether.

The criteria for inclusion were accessible studies, that:

Publications were not included in the review if they:

In the first phase of the literature search, a total of 9111 hits were obtained from all electronic databases. After removing 840 duplicates, the remaining 8271 studies were retrieved for screening. This screening process involved evaluating the titles, abstracts and keywords of the studies. During the screening process, 8101 studies conducted outside SSA and published before 2010 were excluded, remaining 170 studies. Both authors independently reviewed the introductions, methods, findings and conclusions of these studies, out of which 134 studies were excluded because they mentioned girls’ abuse and had no direct connection to Christian communities. The total remaining studies were 36.

In addition to the electronic searches, 10 additional studies were from other sources. Of these 10, six were identified through manual searching of bibliographies, while four were obtained from hard copies: two from an edited book obtained from the Study of Religions Department of the University of Ghana, one PhD and one master. These were managed with Endnote and folders. The full texts of a total number of 46 studies were finally included in the first phase of the search.

In the second phase of the literature search, a total of 2359 hits were obtained in the same electronic databases between 2021 to early 2024. A total of 37 duplicates were identified and removed. After screening the titles, abstracts, keywords and subjects of 2322 studies, 2251 studies that did not meet the established criteria were subsequently excluded, remaining 71 studies. The full text of these studies was thoroughly reviewed by both authors out of which 43 were excluded, remaining 28 studies.

Additionally, nine studies manually searched from bibliographies including 13 others obtained from several networks when presenting the paper in research forums (two books, four book chapters, one PhD thesis and six articles) were included, totalling 50 included studies. Overall, a total of 96 included studies were screened multiple times – independently and collectively – by both authors. These selected studies were charted in an Excel file. The process of identifying selected studies in both phases is summarised in Figure 1.

The collected data were analysed across categories of methodology, geography, discipline, temporal distribution and research focus. It was also thematically and semantically analysed to identify and report patterns in relation to the research question (Braun & Clarke 2006:79). During the thematic analysis, some initial themes that were hand-coded and later used as pre-defined codes in NVivo software included: forms of violence, causes of violence and effects of violence, women’s responses to violence, churches’ responses, CFBOs responses, proposed integrative approaches and proposed collaborative approaches. These initial themes were later refined and re-grouped under the main themes: Understanding IPV: forms, causes and effects; How Christian faith communities contribute to IPV; Challenges of Christian faith communities and how Christian faith communities address IPV. The final theme is feedback from the practice field and practitioners. The themes are presented in order following the ethical consideration, after which we conclude.

Studies used for this review were all secondary sources openly accessible to the public from the nine databases. There were no identifiable data or personal information, and therefore, no ethical approval was required for the use of this literature.

However, the study is biased in terms of the choice of databases searched and the exclusion of non-English studies, which may have resulted in the exclusion of relevant studies. Additionally, the focus on studies after 2010 and Christian communities and CFBOs may also have excluded studies examining the topic from other faiths or religions. Therefore, the analysis may be limited in terms of providing a comprehensive understanding of the intersection between IPV and FBOs across different religious contexts. This study, nevertheless, is part of a larger PhD study on IPV and Christian religion in Ghana, which was officially reported to Norwegian Agency for Shared Services in Education and Research (SIKT), for data protection services. Also, explicit consent of the stakeholders was orally sought by the first author who contacted them by phone because of the geographical distance. The meeting was not recorded, but both authors took notes.

This review analyses the results of 96 pieces of academic work. Figure 2 shows that a variety of different methodological approaches were applied to explore the role of faith communities in addressing IPV in SSA. They range from qualitative methods (28), mixed methods (13), theological and conceptual articles (17) to text analysis and exegetical reflections on Bible texts (11) and case studies (11). Fewer studies have a purely quantitative approach (6). Others can be categorised as evaluations (4). We have also included six literature reviews included a synthesis of six independent and unconnected studies from different parts of the world.

The 11 case studies comprised in the sample either analyse local church communities (Njagi 2017; Palm et al. 2017) or concrete initiatives of FBOs (Petersen 2017; Wamue-Ngare et al. 2023). Some of the studies rather present examples of initiatives that address IPV than critically analyse them (e.g. Parker & Winters 2011). Empirical studies using qualitative methodologies are the largest group in the sample. They are based on ethnographic data collection (Cole 2012), interviews (Le Roux 2014), document analyses or autobiographical narratives (Chisale 2018). Some of the authors are more eager to present their results than explaining their methodological approach (Cole 2012). This makes it sometimes difficult to understand the research design of the studies that the publications document.

The second largest group of studies explores the role of faith and faith communities in relation to IPV with theological and conceptual lenses. They ask, for example, what role pastoral counsellors play when they encounter IPV (Glanville & Dreyer 2013; Nkaabu 2019b) or identify factors related to faith, such as conservative, patriarchal church teachings being preached from the pulpit, that contribute to IPV (Klaasen 2018:4–5; Koepping 2013:264). In the latter case, the authors usually discuss countermeasures (Baloyi 2013:9–10; Dlamini 2022). Several authors trace the legacy of the Circle of Concerned African Women Theologians and highlight its importance for future work against IPV more than 25 years after its establishment (Ayanga 2016; Owusu-Ansah 2016).

The third more substantial cluster highlights the importance of text analyses related to IPV, not at least interpretations of Bible texts. These publications ask for biblical descriptions of the female body against the background of rape (Van Nierkerk 2014) or how single narratives in the Bible can be connected to GBV (Lungu 2016). Other scholars focus on specific Bible texts that need to be re-interpreted in the light of gender justice (Ademiluka 2019, 2021). Several studies point to contextual Bible studies as a suitable method for challenging patriarchal understandings of the Bible on the local level (Mombo & Joziasse 2015; Stiles-Ocran 2023; Torjesen et al. 2019).

Altogether, six studies combine qualitative and quantitative methods – mostly questionnaires as methods for quantitative and different types of interviews as methods for qualitative data collection. These studies often have a closer look into specific regions within one country (Dibie & Okere 2015; Le Roux 2013; Njagi 2017; Wrigley-Asante 2012). Six studies are purely quantitative. Within the framework of a master thesis, one of them asks, for instance, for attitudes and values in relation to rape and sexual coercion in one diocese in one church in South Africa (Okwuosa 2012). Others ask if a change in gender values communicated by church leaders can reduce GBV in families (Warren et al. 2023) or how professionals and practitioners in services for domestic violence survivors evaluate the role of spirituality in their work (Pandya 2017). Six studies produce new knowledge by analysing earlier studies. One of them conducts a synthesis of various unrelated and practice-based studies in six African countries and Myanmar with the aim to detect what faith communities need to develop their work against GBV (Le Roux et al. 2016). Others are scoping reviews about planned or actual activities of faith-based actors against GBV (Le Roux & Du Toit 2017), about war and (gender-based) violence (Istratii 2021b), or about possible reasons for overlooking faith and faith actors in fighting GBV (Istratii & Ali 2023; Istratii et al. 2024). Only four studies understand themselves as evaluations. They are often descriptions of projects and programmes written by insiders (Istratii 2022; Torjesen et al. 2019).

Altogether, almost two-thirds of all studies are empirical, while 28 are textual – analytical, theological or conceptual, that is they focus on what society and civil society organisations or, in most cases, churches should do. The majority of the empirical studies are qualitative, often based on small cases or samples. This means that the research in many cases gives a better understanding of the drivers of GBV and in-depth insights into specific initiatives against GBV or services to help the survivors. This points to the potential that faith communities and religious leaders have in the fight against violence.

Country-wise, six publications refer to Africa in general, five to several SSA countries and one article to the Global South. When it comes to specific countries, 25 studies were conducted in South Africa; 11 in Ghana; nine in Nigeria; eight in the DRC, Kenya and Zimbabwe; five in Ethiopia; three in Rwanda and two in Liberia (Figure 3). One study was found for Madagascar (Cole 2012), Zambia (Lungu 2016), Malawi (Chilongozi 2022), Uganda (Boyer et al. 2022), Somalia (Boeyink et al. 2022), Burundi (Le Roux 2012) and Tanzania (Williams 2018). Several articles examined the situations in several African countries together and with comparative perspectives (e.g. Le Roux et al. 2016; Williams 2018). Two articles presented research on migrant services in Tunisia and the United States of America, respectively, where migrants from various African countries arrived (Pertek 2022; Pertek et al. 2023).

The country overview points thus to a skewed distribution between the countries in SSA. By far most research about the role of Christian faith communities related to IPV is carried out in and about South Africa. That Ghana appears as the country with the second most research studies in this research overview might be explained by the fact that the first author conducts her research in Ghana and had therefore better access to hand-searched literature there. The overview illustrates that there is a huge need for research about IPV and Christian faith communities in many countries of SSA, in particular in the more than 30 countries, for which no studies could be identified.

Not surprisingly, most studies about how Christian faith communities address IPV in SSA are carried out in the field of theology and religious studies. To allocate the disciplinary affiliation of the studies, we had a closer look into the journal or book series in which they were published. Master’s and PhD theses were categorised according to the faculties where they were submitted. The diagram (Figure 4) shows that almost half of all research about Christian faith communities and IPV is carried out in theology (42 publications). This explains also the high share of theological, conceptual and text analytical studies. As religious studies (17) and diaconal studies (5) can be considered neighbouring research areas, altogether 64 studies are located in this research field. Among the other studies, there is a huge disciplinary variety ranging from violence studies, development studies and health studies to geography, sociology, psychology, social work, anthropology and economics, gender studies, political science, African studies and peace and conflict studies. In each of these disciplines, only very few scientific studies were located.

The strong representation of theologians in the existing research about Christian faith communities and IPV affects the state of knowledge and choices with regard to research design. Some questions are more likely to be posed, and some themes are more likely to be discussed by theologians than others. More striking is that only about a third of the studies are situating themselves outside the fields of theology, religious studies and diaconal studies. This might indicate that faith and faith communities are not considered to be important for fighting IPV in other disciplinary contexts.

Figure 5 shows that the interest of researchers in the issue of Christian faith communities and IPV has increased considerably during the last decade.

Even though there are some variations between the years, 2013 points itself out as a year in which particular attention was paid to this question. The number of research works in the field is clearly higher in the beginning of the 2020s compared to the early 2010s. From 2020 to 2021, the number increases from 8 to 14 and remains at a high level after this. More than half of the studies (48) are published in the period between 2020 and 2023. The overview in Figure 5 illustrates that the relationship between faith and faith communities and IPV (or fighting it) remains a pressing issue in research.

The researchers are primarily theologians, but they are also, in most cases, interested in churches as faith communities that either contribute to IPV or take action against it (see Figure 6). Altogether 33 studies discussed what churches in general do, fail to do or should do. In addition, 12 had a closer look into a certain mainline church or an Evangelical or Pentecostal church. Thirteen studies included faith communities from several religions, often Christian and Muslim communities. Two examined interfaith initiatives and one an ecumenical organisation. Eleven concentrated on specific faith-based organisations (CFBOs), often with social purposes and two on secular civil society organisations (NGOs). Some studies investigated the interplay between faith communities and FBOs (3), respectively, between faith communities and NGOs (2) when responding to IPV. Another field of interest was faith community leaders including ministers, which seven studies paid particular attention to. Only a few studies highlighted theological education (2), survivors in the churches (2), believers in the congregations (2), Christian women (1), female theologians (1), the population in general (1) and professionals in IPV services (1). The research focus shows clearly that most of the research comes from researchers with close connections to the churches that want their churches to become stronger contributors in the fight against IPV.

Even though the topic of Christian faith communities and IPV receives more and more attention in research and the number of published academic works has increased constantly during the past decade, this short overview of the selected research studies shows that the existing knowledge is limited in several perspectives. The empirical studies that are presented in the publications are mostly based on qualitative methods with small samples. They often focus on single church traditions (or single congregations within them). Among them, South Africa has been by far the most prominent research location. Only 17 of the 49 countries of SSA are represented as contexts of research. This may be because of, among possible other reasons, the limitation of our study to studies conducted in the English language, to Christian faith communities and the year range. The authors of the research studies are often theologians with an interest to change the situation for the better both when it comes to the theological understanding of IPV and the local practices. What is missing are more studies with a bird’s-eye view, represented by big quantitative studies in several countries in SSA and participatory studies that give voice to the survivors of IPV.

A number of studies utilise different terminologies to refer to IPV. For example, Glanville and Dreyer (2013) and Pietersen (2021) use the term VAW, while Chisale (2018) and others employ DV (Mraji & Rashe 2018; Njagi 2017) and GBV (Msibi 2023; Le Roux et al. 2016; Wamue-Ngare et al. 2023).

Studies maintain that IPV is a pervasive issue perpetrated by men (Kabongo 2021; Klaasen 2018a; Le Roux 2013; Pietersen 2021) and encompasses various forms including physical, sexual, economic and emotional abuse (Le Roux et al. 2020; Magezi & Manzanga 2020; Osei 2011; Parker & Winters 2011). Among the variety of violence, wife beating is the commonest (Baloyi 2013). Studies also show there is a growing concern over sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in some contexts (Boeyink et al. 2022; Le Roux & Bowers-Du Toit 2017).

Intimate partner violence transcends socio-economic and educational boundaries (Uchem 2013), manifesting in the home, church and community (Mombo & Chirongoma 2021). sub-Saharan Africa is notably affected by IPV with a growing impact during the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic (Magezi & Mangaza 2020). Various scholars propose different conceptualisations of IPV. Some view it as a personal choice by men to assert their dominance over women (Istratii 2020; Klaasen 2018a), and as a result of sin (Gillham 2012), while others consider it as a structural problem stemming from gender norms and socialisation processes that foster patriarchal attitudes (Baloyi 2013; Dlamini 2022; Oguntoyinbo-Atere 2013; Aga 2017; Petersen 2021) or related to depression and other mental health issues that the perpetrators suffer from (Bernardi & Steyn 2020).

Multiple factors contribute to the occurrence of IPV. Cultural practices such as the bride price and beliefs surrounding women’s fertility have been associated with IPV (Ademiluka 2021; Ayanga 2016; Baloyi 2013). Additionally, poverty and women’s dependence on men along with women’s silenced voices have been identified as contributing factors (Baloyi 2013; Williams 2018; Wrigley-Asante 2012). Other explanations include attributing IPV to religious beliefs (Chisale 2018; Koepping 2013; Le Roux 2014; Le Roux & Bowers-Du Toit 2017; Stiles-Ocran 2021a) or to malevolent forces such as the Devil (Marx 2021). In certain contexts, IPV is employed as a political tool against women, regardless of their age, religion or socio-economic status (Nyar & Musango 2013).

The consequences of IPV are profound and encompass a range of physical and psychological effects. Prolonged psychological trauma, post-traumatic stress disorders (PTSDs), HIV or acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) and mental disorders including death are common outcomes for many women (Ademiluka 2019; Dwamena-Aboagye 2021; Glanville & Dreyer 2013; Okwuosa 2012). These disabling effects have a significant impact on women’s functional capacities, representing a public health and development concern (Olusoya 2013). Furthermore, the power dynamics enforced by IPV maintain patriarchal structures, keeping women excluded from decision-making processes and leadership roles, even within religious contexts (Mombo & Joziasse 2015; Van Niekerk 2014; Williams 2018).

Intimate partner violence is widely associated with religion or faith communities in terms of the dual role of religious organisations, beliefs and practices (Adjei & Mpiani 2022; Istratii & Ali 2023; Pertek et al. 2023). Studies acknowledge the positive and potential role of religion, including Christian churches, in development efforts and in influencing norms and attitudes that promote IPV (Chirongoma 2022; Glanville & Dreyer, 2013; Musodza & Dumba 2015; Njie-Carr et al. 2021; Nkaabu 2019b; Pertek 2022; Shaw et al. 2023; Stiles-Ocran 2020).

However, Christian churches, in particular, play a significant role in perpetuating rather than resolving IPV. Most studies indicate that church responses are often absent or ineffective (Nevhutanda 2019; Stiles-Ocran 2020). Two main ways churches contribute to perpetuating IPV were identified.

The challenges faced by faith communities in addressing IPV vary depending on the denomination and the level of training faith leaders have received (Mahomva et al. 2020). While some Christian churches are actively involved in combating GBV, the majority are not (Magezi & Manzanga 2019). Internal structural issues of division within and between churches and sexual abuse limit churches from collaborating effectively to address IPV (Le Roux 2013). Patriarchy is also widely recognised as a significant influence on church responses and a contributor to IPV (Baloyi 2013; Chisale 2018; Kabongo 2021; Klaasen 2018b; Le Roux 2013, 2014; Le Roux & Bowers-Du Toit 2017; Stiles-Ocran 2021b). However, one study criticises the overemphasis of some studies on patriarchy as the sole explanation for IPV (Bernardi & Steyn 2020). In addition, churches’ lack of advocacy and the negative consequences on women’s mental health and lives reflect an inadequate understanding and knowledge of the patterns of IPV and the lack of expertise among church leaders (Dwamena-Aboagye 2021; Mahomva et al. 2020).

Christian faith communities are important actors in social change and development. Some of the reviewed articles point to the potential that faith communities and their leaders have to affect and change attitudes and behaviours related to IPV. We present what we have learnt from the review about responses of Christian faith communities to IPV. These can be divided into three different types of responses: Specific programmes and initiatives addressing the problem of IPV that Christian faith communities and Christian non-governmental organisations (CFBOs) are involved in; research about the (missed) opportunities of fighting IPV in the everyday practice of faith communities and theological work in the face of the huge problem of IPV in SSA.

While many studies point out the potential of churches and faith communities when it comes to fighting IPV on the local level, there are only a few examples that describe how this work is effectively included in the everyday routines of the congregations and churches. Exceptions are the programme of the Hillsong church (Marx 2021) or the initiatives in the Anglican church of Kenya (Nkaabu 2023). Studies that investigate the work of church leaders and pastors against IPV rather emphasise that they experience this issue as sensitive and that they express their lack of competence. Consequently, they tend to neglect or avoid questions related to IPV (Mahomva et al. 2020; Mraji & Rashe 2018). The lack of competence of faith leaders is described as both theological (Muthangya 2022; Petersen 2016; Rutoro 2012) and psychological (Nevhutanda 2019). Some researchers claim, therefore, that faith leaders need safe spaces where they can question their own attitudes and learn about tools that they can use when challenging IPV (Palm et al. 2017).

Several studies conclude that personal faith is an asset for survivors when coping with experiences and exploring different alternative actions (Pertek 2022, Pertek et al. 2023; Stiles-Ocran 2023). Even in contexts where women are oppressed and excluded from leadership positions in the church, personal faith can provide survivors with inner strength (Williams 2018). Research about (potential) perpetuators indicates that church teachings are not only used as a justification for exercising VAW but also can be a factor for men to keep away from violence (Turhan 2023). While there is little evidence for collective everyday practices in congregations that hinder IPV, individual religious everyday practices seem nevertheless to be an important resource for coping with IPV and resisting it.