The topic of urban communal land disputes and their effects on access to land for the poor has received significant focus in urban development literature. Land disputes in sub-Saharan Africa, particularly in Nigeria, frequently stem from intertwined land tenure systems, conflicting interests and ineffective governance frameworks (Adekola, Krigsholm & Riekkinen 2023). Researchers have emphasised that communal land ownership, although it offers a sense of identity and safety for traditional communities, frequently turns into a point of conflict as urbanisation elevates the demand for land (Ntumva 2022; Nuhu 2021). In cities like Enugu, these conflicts are exacerbated by the absence of efficient dispute resolution mechanisms and the inclination of government officials to prioritise elite interests instead of addressing the needs of marginalised communities (Uzuegbunam & Nwofia 2014).

Research has consistently indicated that restricted access to urban land worsens socio-economic disparities, especially for the urban poor who encounter numerous systemic obstacles that impede their capacity to obtain land for housing, jobs and other income-generating activities (Adedeji 2023; Lawanson 2020). A major obstacle is the increasing expense of land in cities, which creates greater challenges for low-income families to obtain stable land rights. In numerous cities, such as Enugu, land prices have soared because of swift urbanisation, speculation and a growing demand for land, making it unaffordable for lower-income groups (Ankeli 2023). Alongside the high costs of land, the lack of transparency in land markets also makes access more difficult. The absence of clear land records, ambiguous property rights and bureaucratic delays foster conditions where informal transactions flourish, complicating the process for the poor to understand the system and obtain legal ownership (Rodima-Taylor 2021).

Discriminatory behaviours, whether official or unofficial, significantly contribute to the exclusion of vulnerable groups from accessing land. Such practices frequently appear as favouritism for affluent individuals or groups, along with systemic discrimination against marginalised communities, such as ethnic minorities, migrants and women (Haque & Sharifi 2024). The outcome is a skewed allocation of land that favours individuals with social, political or economic influence while placing the urban poor, who depend on affordable and secure land for their survival, at a disadvantage. These dynamics result in a harmful cycle, as the impoverished lack access to land, thereby restricting their capacity to accumulate wealth, invest in their families’ prospects, or engage in the broader urban economy (Rigon 2022). In Nigeria, the gender aspects of land access are especially evident. Women, frequently a crucial support of informal urban economies, encounter particular difficulties in obtaining land because of cultural practices and legal obstacles. For example, Nchor (2022) note that in various regions of Nigeria, land is conventionally inherited via patriarchal systems, with women’s rights to own or inherit land greatly restricted by both formal legal frameworks and customary traditions. These difficulties are intensified by the absence of legal structures that clearly safeguard women’s land rights and by cultural norms that restrict women’s participation in land markets and property deals (Ahmed 2024).

The study adopted a mixed-methods research design to comprehensively explore communal land conflicts and pro-poor urban land access for physical development in Enugu, Nigeria. The research was conducted across identified urban peripheral communities of Enugu, namely Ngwo (Ngwo, Ngwo Abuo, Ngwo Ato, Ngwo Ano, Ngwo Ise, Ngwo Isii and Ngwo Asaa), Nike (Ogui Nike, Onu-Ato, Umunnevo, Umuchigbo Iji Nike, Ako Nike, Akpogazi Nike and Ibeagwa Nike), Ugwuaji (Obeagu Ugwuaji and Amechi Ugwuaji), Akwuke, Obinagu, Obeagu and Amaechi Awkunanaw Autonomous Communities. Enugu is located in southeastern Nigeria and serves as the capital of Enugu State. It is an Igbo-dominated area with a mix of urban and rural communities experiencing rapid physical development. Data collection was conducted between January and March 2024, with a focus on understanding the intersection of land access, urban development and social inclusion (Figure 1).

Both primary and secondary data were utilised for this study. Secondary data were collected from journals, books, articles, government gazettes and reports of relevant institutions, including the National Population Commission (NPC 1991), the Enugu State Ministry of Lands and Urban Development, the Housing Authority and the Catholic Diocese of Enugu (2018). Key variables included communal land conflicts, government land acquisitions, land administration practices, urban population trends and physical development projects. These data provided a contextual background and informed the design of the primary data collection instruments.

Primary data were generated through structured interviews and direct personal observations. A total of 40 respondents were randomly selected using a stratified sampling technique to ensure representation of various stakeholder groups, including household heads, clergy and urban managers from the identified communities. Respondents provided insights on land access challenges, communal land conflicts and the role of the Catholic Church in promoting social inclusion. The study primarily draws from the Catholic Church’s interventions, including its socio-economic initiatives, mediation efforts and advocacy for land justice. While other Christian denominations play roles in land governance, the empirical focus remains on Catholic institutions and programmes in Enugu. Observations were conducted to identify and document physical developments in the city, such as schools, health facilities, water schemes and housing projects, as well as areas affected by communal land conflicts. These observations provided direct visual evidence of the study issues.

A multistage sampling technique was employed to select participants from the various autonomous communities within the study area. The procedure began with stratification to ensure representation across different social groups and roles within the urban development landscape. Key strata included household heads, community members, clergy and urban managers actively involved in or affected by urban development and communal land conflicts. Within each stratum, snowball sampling was used to select respondents, ensuring fairness and eliminating bias. A sample size of 40 participants was obtained, matching the need for representativeness with the practical constraints of the study. This sample size was adequate to capture diverse perspectives while maintaining feasibility in data collection and analysis.

Thematic analysis was used to analyse the data. We did this by reading and rereading the transcripts, noting any similarities and discrepancies between and within the accounts of the participants. A qualitative computer package (Nvivo 11, QSR) was used to organise and assist in the task of first-level analysis. Responses were further categorised within relevant themes. The content and format of transcripts were also described during the data analysis process.

The ethical approval was obtained from the University of Nigeria Teaching Hospital Health Research Ethics Committee (NHREC/08/09/20099-FWA00002221-1RB03004798). Informed consent was obtained from all participants before data collection, ensuring that they were fully briefed on the study’s objectives, risks and benefits. Anonymity and confidentiality were maintained throughout the study. Permission to conduct the research was also sought and obtained from relevant community and institutional authorities.

The study revealed that Enugu’s land administration operates under a dual framework: the Land Use Act (1978) and the Town and Country Planning Law (1946). Despite these formal mechanisms, the system is quasi-informal, combining formal regulations with informal practices. The Enugu State Ministry of Lands and Urban Development, alongside Local Government Authorities, oversees land administration but their efforts are often undermined by informal community practices. Issues such as outdated frameworks, including the unapproved 1979 master plan, were highlighted. This master plan, while used piecemeal, lacks formal adoption or relevance to current urban needs (Table 1).

Meanwhile, the absence of an updated regional or master plan has marginalised vulnerable groups, particularly the urban poor. Findings showed that a majority of the participants affirmed challenges such as poor record-keeping, inflated land prices and abuse of eminent domain powers. A respondent noted:

Meanwhile, the participants were unanimous in saying that some native communities collaborate with corrupt officials to exploit the Land Use Act’s compulsory acquisition clause, resulting in land usurpation. For instance, one participant shared:

This narratives indicates a deliberate and disguised form of land grabbing. The indigenes responded to this by selling off their landed property which they felt would be in danger of compulsory acquisition. Similarly, land deprivation, denial of access and land price inflation were noted as key exclusionary factors. Women and the poor are disproportionately affected, with participants affirming these challenges. A community member explained that:

The narrative reflects a cycle of systemic injustices where institutional frameworks and practices consistently disadvantage the less privileged and reinforce their exclusion over time, as well as perpetuate broader socio-economic disparities and limit opportunities for equitable development.

The study further revealed that ancestral lands in peripheral communities have become sites of unplanned and poorly coordinated development. This phenomenon has resulted in the rapid emergence of informal settlements and squatter developments, often characterised by inadequate infrastructure and substandard living conditions. Participants unanimously linked these issues to the absence of proper land-use planning and oversight, as well as the unchecked encroachment of land speculators. Participants explained that these informal developments arise because of the high demand for affordable housing in urban and peri-urban areas, combined with weak enforcement of zoning regulations. One participant lamented:

The lack of infrastructure in these areas exacerbates the challenges faced by residents, including poor access to clean water, sanitation and electricity. The study further highlighted that informal settlements and slum formation often lead to social and economic challenges, including increased crime rates, environmental degradation and public health risks. Another participant described the deteriorating conditions:

The findings emphasise the urgent need for proper urban planning, community consultation and infrastructural development to address the issues associated with haphazard development and slum formation. Without strategic intervention, these trends could further marginalise already vulnerable communities, worsening their socio-economic conditions and limiting opportunities for growth and development (Table 2).

The findings of this study revealed that government land acquisitions significantly contribute to communal land conflicts in Enugu. Corrupt government officials and politicians were often identified to collaborate with certain natives to exploit compulsory acquisition powers under land laws to unjustly appropriate neighbouring lands. This abuse of state power frequently triggers resistance from rightful landowners who fight to protect their ancestral lands which hold profound significance as sources of identity and livelihood. The study highlighted that communal land conflicts have persisted in urban peripheral communities for over six decades, particularly in cases where government interventions have been inadequate or biased. Notable examples include: Ogui Nike-Iji Nike vs. Amechi-Ugwuaji Awkunanaw Boundary Conflict: Ongoing since 1942, this conflict has seen several government acquisitions for residential developments, such as the Independence Layout and Premier Layout, yet remains unresolved despite attempts at intervention in 1941, 1944, 1948 and 1954. The core of this dispute lies in competing historical land claims between the indigenous Nike and Awkunanaw communities and is exacerbated by government expropriations under colonial and post-colonial administrations. Despite successive mediation efforts, including court rulings and boundary demarcations, tensions persist because of overlapping customary land tenure systems and allegations of unfair compensation for seized lands.

Additionally, there is the Obeagu Onuayo Akagbe (now Obeagu Awkunanaw) vs. Umu-Edenwoko Akpugo Boundary Dispute: This conflict, dating back to 1941, persists to this day despite multiple court judgments and government actions. The dispute is deeply rooted in historical grievances over territorial boundaries, which have been exacerbated by shifting administrative decisions and inconsistent land policies. The introduction of formal land administration structures under the Land Use Act of 1978 did little to resolve the issue, as local communities continued to rely on customary tenure systems that often contradict statutory regulations. Furthermore, contested land acquisitions for infrastructure projects and real estate developments have fuelled further disputes, with affected communities resisting displacement and demanding greater transparency in government-led land allocations.

Participants repeatedly identified government actions, particularly compulsory land acquisitions and interference, as a significant source of communal land conflicts. These acquisitions often disregard the historical and cultural significance of the land to the communities, as well as the established rights and dynamics within those communities. Respondents highlighted how the government’s approach, driven by urbanisation or infrastructural projects, fails to adequately consider the socio-economic implications for the affected populations. One community leader elaborated on this issue:

The study found that such interference often leads to disputes between communities as they contest boundaries or resist what they perceive as unjust expropriations. In many cases, the lack of transparency in land acquisition processes fosters suspicion and conflict among community members. A participant who was a farmer recounted:

Furthermore, the use of the Land Use Act’s compulsory acquisition clause was criticised by participants, who viewed it as a tool for exploitation. One participant keenly expressed:

The findings suggest that government-induced interference not only disrupts the delicate balance within communities but also undermines trust in public institutions. This lack of trust fuels resistance and prolonged disputes, as affected populations struggle to assert their rights. Participants called for more inclusive and transparent approaches to land acquisition, while at the same time emphasising the importance of respecting community dynamics and ensuring fair compensation for displaced families.

Table 3 of the study provides detailed insights into these dynamics, illustrating how land conflicts perpetuate inequality and undermine inclusive physical development in Enugu. This evidence underscores the urgent need for transparent, equitable and community-centred land administration reforms to mitigate these challenges and ensure sustainable development.

The study identified the Church as a key growth factor in Enugu, a sentiment affirmed by the majority of the participants, including sampled communities and government officials. Respondents highlighted the Church’s pivotal role in transforming the Enugu Ngwo coal mining settlement into a thriving city through the establishment of schools, health facilities, water schemes, roads, cemeteries, housing projects and industries that promoted the welfare of the populace. A community leader noted: ‘The Church was more than a place of worship; it became the backbone of our society by building schools and hospitals where the government had failed’ (P25, Male, 52 years old). The Church’s contributions to society can be classified into three dimensions: (1) political dimension, (2) socio-economic dimensions and (3) ecclesiological dimensions. These collaborative roles were also found to be traditionally and institutionally structured and enshrined in the canonical laws of the Church. These roles are further examined accordingly in this research.