Legacies and pitfalls amongst the African Evangelicals: A Kenyan experience from a historical perspective

County of Kenya. Overall, the article has endeavoured to hypothesise that Eurocentrism was not the Evangelical problem, as there were diverse European missionaries, such as the High Anglican Church, the Roman Catholic and the Lutherans who were non-Evangelicals, and who were not necessarily dogmatic and rigid. Contribution: This study adhered to the HTS journal’s vision and scope by its focus on the histories of the Evangelical European Missionaries of the 19th and 20th centuries, their interactions with the local religio-cultures, and how it later played out amongst the Africans.


Introduction
Evangelicalism is the brand of Christianity that emerged from the 'pietistic stream of the Reformed tradition; and its emphasis is on salvation through personal encounter with the risen Christ' (Gathogo 2017:72). Characteristically, Evangelicals emphasise on being 'born again', as in the case of Jesus' words to the Pharisee man and a member of the Jewish Council (Nicodemus) that 'no one can enter the kingdom of God unless they are born of water and the Spirit' (Jn 3:5-8). Hence, the centrality of elaborate confession, conversion and/or salvation, in all Evangelical groups, is mandatory amongst Evangelical Christianity. Certainly, Evangelicalism, even within the African context, is largely 'dominated by a western understanding of the phenomenon' (Balcomb 2016:117).
In this research article, the 'Evangelical European missionaries' refer to the Evangelical Protestant missionary societies that emerged in Kenya at the advent of colonialism in the early 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. Such missionary societies included the African Inland Mission, the Methodist Missions, the Scottish Missions (Presbyterians) and, more importantly, the Church Missionary Society (CMS), which is studied in this article. Amongst them, CMS is the precursor body for the Anglican Church in Kenya since 1844 (Gathogo 2008:68). As colonial hegemony and the missionary enterprises began to shape up in the present-day Kirinyaga County and the surrounding areas, by 1900, it found Africans with their own leaders (Athamaki, meaning the revered leaders). The Evangelical CMS was comfortable with the colonial administrative structures, as they were used to it right from their home countries. The strangeness of the African form of governance could not attract the Evangelicals who saw it as too secular and lacking religiosity.
industrial revolution Europe when an Anglican Cleric, Rev. John Wesley, was attempting to revive Christianity in UK, a phenomenon that led to the birth of the present-day Methodist Church. Nevertheless, the Lausanne Movement got a major boost in 1966, when the founder's association, Billy Graham's Evangelistic Association, partnered with America's Christianity Today magazine and sponsored the World Congress on Evangelism in Berlin (Lausanne 2021:1), which enriched this Evangelical movement greatly. Prior to the convening of the World Congress on Evangelism in Berlin 1966, the American Baptist Church leader, Evangelist Billy Graham, had already began preaching internationally, as he sought to 'Unite all Evangelicals in the common task of the total evangelization of the world'. The Berlin Conference of Evangelicals was followed by the Lausanne Conference, Switzerland, of 1974, which attracted 2,700 delegates from over 150 nations. It also included speakers who subscribe to the Evangelical faith from across the denominational divides. They included John Stott  who was a leading Anglican scholar, and Ralph D. Winter (1925Winter ( -2009 who was a celebrated Christian thinker of his time, and whose plenary address brought in the concept of the 'unreached peoples of the world'. There were others including Francis August Schaeffer  who was a top Presbyterian Priest andCarl Ferdinand Howard Henry (1913-2003) who was an American theologian who provided intellectual and institutional leadership (Lausanne 2021:1). Henry, a Baptist Cleric, called the Evangelicals to differentiate themselves with separatist fundamentalists. He was involved in the creation of several Evangelical organisations that included Fuller Theological Seminary, which was founded in 1947, and Evangelical Theological Society, which was established in 1949. Another major speaker during the Lausanne Conference, Switzerland, of 1974included Samuel Escobar (1934. Escobar was a native of Peru and a leading Latin American theologian (Gathogo 2017:72-87). In their 10 days of discussions, prayer, worship and fellowship, the participants and guests were thus able to affirm Evangelicalism as a phenomenon that goes beyond the confines of denominationalism. In any case, evangel, as a term, comes from the Greek word, which means the good news of Jesus Christ.
To this end, Anthony Balcomb explains that Evangelicalism, as a term, is intended to include both Pentecostal and Charismatic movements, as well as those who do not identify with these movements but those 'who believe in the need for personal salvation and Christian discipleship through adherence to scripture' (Balcomb 2004:146). In other words, it will also include a number of people in the so-called 'mainline' or ecumenical churches. That is, the Anglicans, the Methodists, the Lutherans, the Roman Catholics and so on (Balcomb 2004:146). As implied in the above Lausanne Conference of 1974, where leading scholars from across the denominational divides turned up as key speakers, the Evangelical Christianity and/or Evangelical theology is not just for the mainline European led Protestants or missionary churches (refer to Anglicans, Presbyterians, Reformed, Baptists and the Methodists) and/or the African-Pentecostals 1 (the African Redeemed Gospel, the Gospel Outreach, the Full Gospel and the Apostolic churches). Furthermore, it is clear that Eurocentrism is not tantamount to 'the Evangelical problem', as there were other European-led missionary societies and churches, such as the High Anglican Church, the Roman Catholic and the Lutherans who were non-Evangelical and were not necessarily dogmatic and rigid in their entirety. Equally, there are both African-initiated churches that are either Evangelical or non-Evangelical across the denominational divides. Indeed, Evangelical theology is also visible amongst the Charismatic wing of the Roman Catholic Church. Similar to the above Protestant groups, and especially the Afro-Pentecostals, the Roman Catholic charismatics place more emphasis on spiritual gifts, elaborate worship, deep meditation in prayer and the power of the 'Word' amongst other visible characteristics.

Church Missionary Society as an Evangelical strand
The first CMS missionaries in Kirinyaga County of Central Kenya were Evangelical. They reached Githuguya-Sagana of the present-day Kirinyaga county in 1907 after crossing over from the neighbouring Weithaga-Murang'a Centre, where they had set up a base in 1903 (Gathogo 2001:23). They surveyed the area, in the place where we have Sagana Technical School, and planned to return and put up an Evangelical Centre for the CMS. It was only in 1908 that they met the local Muthamaki (singular for Athamaki), Njega wa Gioko. It was still in 1908 when Njega wa Gioko, Gutu wa Kibetu and other regional Athamaki were publicly installed by the colonial authorities in the then regional headquarters called Mbiri, renamed Fort Hall in 1901, andMurang'a in 1963. Certainly, the coming of colonial administration in Central Kenya in the 1890s ushered a change of titles for leaders, as the people's leaders (Athamaki) were converted to Chiefs, and now controlled by the new team, as they made them collect poll tax and hut tax. With the loss of direct powers, Athamakiturned Chiefs found themselves in a dilemma as they had to satisfy religio-cultural needs of the locals and those of the colonial administrators. Hence, colonialism by 1908 had introduced the title of a Chief, for leaders, throughout the Central Kenya region. It is important to note that the rise of European administrators in the region prepared room for missionaries. As Assa Okoth noted, the cross always followed the flag in the British missions (Okoth 2006:31). In other words, it was the colonial authorities who first moved to a particular site, hosted the Union Jack, after which the English missionaries followed suit. This is, however, problematic as the pioneer CMS missionary in Kenya, Ludwig Krapf, arrived in the Kenyan Coast in 1844, even before the Berlin conference of 1884-1885. Krapf occupied Leven House briefly as he planned his Evangelical activities (Gathogo 2020a:1-15 (Gathogo 2008:43-70). These Anglican Evangelicals became the so-called the Low Anglicans, as opposed to the High Anglicans (the Anglo-Catholics). The Evangelical CMS met the newly installed Chief Gioko, in 1908, and were dissuaded from setting up a Mission Centre at Githuguya-Sagana, and were instead encouraged to settle at Njumbi-Mutira (Mutira hill). Was Chief Njega wa Gioko interfering with the missionary work, as he pushed them upstream, in the cold Hyenainfested and bushy upper hills of Mutira, as opposed to the warm and lower habitable Githuguya-Sagana area? Was this the first clash between Evangelical missionary theologies and the oral-indigenous theologies of the locals? As noted in Gathogo (2008), the Evangelical theologies of the CMS were: [I]ndividualistic, selective, biased, pietistic, unreflective and to an extent, ethnocentric. Its being ethnocentric can be seen in the fact that it did not have room for cultures outside the British territories. In addition, it embraced cultural norms that often contradicted some of the British cultural norms and values such as abstaining from drinking, dancing, sex (unless it was for procreation), smoking, possession of worldly things, secular life, and so on. (p. 68) European Evangelical theologies were a by-product of the Age of Enlightenment, in which there was little or no belief in God. Thus, dualism, atheism, deism, secularism, scepticism, excessive materialism and secularism became the vogue. Hence, one of the reasons for the coming of Evangelism in Europe was to counter the ungodliness that had crept into the society. This made the Evangelicals, who now came as missionaries, to avoid speculative and philosophical theologies, made them emphasise on devotions and worshipall this as a measure of preserving the gospel from being corrupted by sideshows. This pushed some Evangelicals to view the dialogue between the gospel and culture as mere syncretism (mixture of religions) rather than as genuine inculturation and contextualising efforts. Any other culture, apart from the 'Christian culture', was not pure before God.
The CMS Evangelicals viewed such dialogues as threats to Christianity, a position that drove them to think of themselves as the only legitimate ambassadors of the gospel in Africa. They viewed themselves as custodians of a precious legacy of theology, 'which to all intents and purposes was complete and [hence, it] was their first duty to preserve and pass on intact' (Reynolds 1976:85). Like the servant who hid his talent and did not trade with it, in the Parable of the Talents (Mt 25:14-30), they too became transactional leaders who strived to maintain their status quo, rather than transformative leaders, who empower everyone and catapult people from the periphery to the high mountains of progress and growth.
With transactionalists leading the parade, a theo-cultural clash was bound to emerge from time to time. Worst of all, the two diametrically opposed positions put up dogmatic loci that denied dialogue a chance. Such background information is critical in retracing the theo-cultural embargo that defined the first and second half of the 20th-century Kenya.
In their theological rigidity, the CMS Evangelicals could not tolerate the fact that the African worldview is a religious drama, as every 'aspect in the cosmos, every activity, space and time is expressed and experienced religiously' (Banana 1991:23). Such existential African realities were simply dismissed as satanic, and no dialogue with 'Satan' was entertained. To some, dialoguing with 'lost souls' and/or pagans would be tantamount to embracing an African goddess of the post-industrial revolution. As Chief Njega wa Gioko pushed them far from his 'more developed' areas to the less habitable hill of Mutira, they could not understand how a person who had 'never encountered God' could push 'God away from himself'. Such radical Evangelical positions, where dialoguing with the African worldview, would amount to betraying and/or compromising the Gospel in the Evangelical's view is the reason for the theo-cultural embargo that drove some to open their own African Instituted Churches. Such theo-social pitfalls led the Evangelical Lutheran Bishop of Bukoba, in the present-day Tanzania, Bengt Sundkler, to dismiss the rise of African indigenous churches (AICs) in the 1930s 'as the bridge over which Africans are brought back to heathendom' (Sundkler 1961:297). For a blocked-down flowing river, the mounting swelling was about to be catastrophic.
For Bishop Sundkler (1961:297), any dialogue between the culture and the gospel was satanic, and hence, he ignored the contextual nature of Christian theology. Like the CMS team, he was quick to dismiss indigenous religion as Fetishism and adherents as Fetish Worshippers (Idowu 1973:51), ancestral worship, the African God as a 'deus remotus' (a withdrawn God), paganism, dualistic, pantheistic, animistic, idolatry, heathenism, primitivism and polytheism (Parrinder 1962:21). Equally, there are African Christian Evangelicals who are rigid and dismissive of any dialogue between the gospel and culture. As mentioned by Allison M. Howell (1997), some African delegates noted, thus: Rightly presented and understood, the gospel of Jesus Christ is capable of meeting the primal man (sic) at the point(s) of his http://www.hts.org.za Open Access greatest need, providing him with ultimate answers to his longings and effective ways of coping with the persistent problems in his life. Sometimes this will happen suddenly, but, more often than not, it is a process or processes of 'power encounter' between Christian and the primal world-views in which the former transforms the latter's view of God, man, and the 'powers' through Jesus Christ. (p. 15) This dogmatic Evangelicalism is also found in Byang Henry Kato 'the first African General Secretary of the Association of Evangelicals in Africa and an outspoken critic of the dangers of syncretism and universalism in the African Church' (Manana 2021:1). In his infamous book, Theological Pitfalls in Africa (1975), he dismissed John Mbiti and Bolaji Idowu's efforts for dialogue between the gospel and culture (inculturation) as nothing but a theological pitfall. In their efforts for authenticating Christianity locally, he viewed it as major theological pitfalls that pose a threat to the very existence of Christianity in Africa, as the latter were promoting pernicious syncretistic universalism. Whilst still appreciating legitimate contextualisation of the Christian message in Africa, he still felt the need for an indigenous theology that was truly biblical and truly African.
For Kato, syncretistic universalism in Africa is evident when African indigenous religion is related to Christianity, which appears to contradict the vision of a truly biblical and truly Christian Africa (Manana 2021:1). To dismiss Mbiti, Idowu and the works of All Africa Conference of Churches as pitfalls was, in my view, the most extreme part of his dogmatic Evangelical theology which was clearly blind to the local initiatives. This resonates well with the position taken by the Evangelical European missionaries of the early 20th century. Kato, who died in the tourist city of Mombasa, Kenya, as he fell in a pit, irked the likes of Mbiti who claimed to have accepted his verbal face-to-face apology for insulting the local initiatives that seeks to Africanise Christianity in tropical Africa, in early 1970s (Gathogo 2011a:121). In reference to Byang Kato's book, Theological Pitfalls in Africa that was published in 1975, Mbiti (1979)  To this end, Balcomb (2016) describes the modern version of Evangelicalism in the 21st-century Africa, which resonates with the Evangelical European Missionaries of the early 20th century, thus: These are conversionism, which emphasizes the need for personal conversion, activism which is to do with evangelizing others, Biblicism which is to do with the belief in biblical inerrancy, and crucicentrism which is to do with the centrality of the cross. The main problem with these criteria is that they carry an element of propositional value, as if to be an Evangelical you have to believe in certain things as doctrinal verities, of the order of a statement of faith. This kind of proposition-alism is typical of western Protestantism, and certainly of western Evangelicalism, but is far less appropriate for Africa where the existential circumstances and consequences of Evangelicalism are so different. (pp. 117-128)

Legacies and pitfalls
In post-colonial Kenya, particularly the 21st century, Evangelicalism has asserted its socio-economic and political influences in diverse forms. This is undoubtedly a carryover from the Evangelical European missionaries, and hence, their imprints are visible; albeit, sometimes negatively. Firstly, as early as 1921, an Evangelical European missionary, Archdeacon Walter Edwin Owen   The eruption of gospel-culture conflict, which was basically Evangelical Christianity versus African indigenous religion, was clearly seen after the African nationalistic zeal was incorporated in these discourses. In particular, young men from the present-day Kiambu county started a religiopolitical dance to protest against the legalism of the Evangelicals. This dance song called Muthirigu (swingingdance song) ridiculed the missionaries, the colonial authorities, the uncircumcised girls and other concerns of the day. Muthirigu dance was followed by the 'the rise of the Arathi [dreamers and seers] adherents, the establishment of Kikuyu Independent Churches and schools, and the Aregi [anti-Evangelicals] exodus' (Wamue 1989:266 In the same spirit, they would praise their culture, religion, land and leaders. They would also mock collaborating Africans, thus: [M]y mother went through the rite, I will never change my culture and religion. I am told to marry one who has not gone through the rite but I say No. I am a Kikuyu and our religion was given by God. I have no enmity with any one save for the one who sells our land. I asked whether circumcision should continue. Kenyatta wa Muigai said it should continue… (Kang'ethe 1981:283) Without a broad-based mass education on the above two schools of thought, a huge clash was bound to emerge, as the differences were largely fuelled by lack of knowledge (Hosea 4:6). In other words, Muthirigu was sung in defence of the people's religio-culture and as a call to the Evangelicals to be quick to listen to the other voices out there and be slow to dismissals of others' patterns of living. It was simply a call for inculturation, and hence, 'let's dialogue and/or reason together, as our common denominator is God' (cf. Is 1:18). It was also a call to stop acculturation and ethnocentrism in Christian missions, as Evangelicals felt that their Euro-American heritage was stronger than what they found, and hence, their urgency to replace the 'weaker culture'. Certainly, the two extremist positions needed to embrace plurality as God's economy for the world (Gathogo 2011b:24). As a mighty show of protest against the missionary ethnocentrism and acculturation, Muthirigu dance swept through central Kenya in an overnight. In turn, the struggle that had 'primarily involved the [African] Church elders had now been taken up by the youth. Soon, the situation would get out of hand and the government would step in' (Kang'ethe 1981:276-277), and banned it in early 1930. As it spread underground, it made the Karing'a (majority) more and more politically enlightened and angry. It is these agitated people who formed the Karing'a (African) Instituted Churches where afro-Biblical hermeneutics became the new norm (Gathogo & Kinyua 2010:251-265 (Phiri 2006:401-428).
In a conservative society, separation, divorce and remarriage did not build the reverberated Evangelical society that Chiluba had set to create in his earlier years of his presidency. Thirdly, the attempted coup of 1997 that made him declare a state of emergency and subsequently saw the jailing of suspects, the opposition leaders, detaining without charges, and even the arrest of the former president Kenneth Kaunda, made his 'Evangelical presidency' uglier, worrying and made it look like one, which was headed to the pitfall. Fourthly, his renunciation of standing for a third term in 2001, probably out of his Evangelical creed that he was the 'God's sent best for Zambia', left an egg on the face of Evangelicalism, as diverse interpretations were made on such a move. Some viewed it as greed for power, as power had entered his head, and was also seen as a betrayer to the Evangelical creeds of love and care and so on. He was, however, forced to abandon the quest for the unconstitutional third term and allowed Levy Mwanawasa to succeed him in an election that was disputed by some contestants. Fifthly, although he was successful in brokering peace amongst his neighbours, the Democratic Republic of Congo, he did not succeed in arresting the escalating crime and poverty in his home country, Zambia. Sixthly, his Evangelical presidency suffered more even after his retirement as he remained a subject of a long investigation and trials regarding alleged corrupt practices when he was in power (1991)(1992)(1993)(1994)(1995)(1996)(1997)(1998)(1999)(2000)(2001). He was luckily acquitted 2 years before his death, at 68 years, in 2011 (Ranger & Phiri 2008:38-46). Thus, although Chiluba created a more vibrant Evangelical civil society in Zambia, which was ready to play a socio-political role, it fell far short of the expectations for those who initially flirted with the idea of a Christian nation.
In the era of Kenya's President Daniel arap Moi (1978Moi ( -2002, the influence of Evangelical theology was clear, especially in its initial stages. As a politician, who constantly preached and quoted biblical verses constantly, he was a member of the Evangelical African Inland Church, Moi began his presidency that fell short of declaring Kenya a Christian nation, as in the case of Zambia. Upon replacing Jomo Kenyatta, who almost declared himself an adherent of African indigenous religion, upon his death on 22 August 1978, Moi introduced his Evangelical-leaning working philosophy, which he called Nyayoism (from the Swahili word Nyayo, which means following the footsteps). Whilst he made it clear that he would follow his predecessor's economic policies, where the gross domestic product (GDP) was admirably growing at 7% annually, he also made it clear that he was following the footsteps of his lord and saviour, Jesus Christ. He expounded on his Nyayo philosophy as comprising of three key words, namely, peace, love and unity, which are Christian virtues.  1982] under the pretext of which many were detained and thousands killed…. Under both Mr Kenyatta  and Mr Moi , it was criminal to think, express oneself or even dream (sic). Kenya was like this when I went to study at Cornell University in the US [in 1965]. (Wamwere 2007:17) Wamwere (2007) (1978-1980 and 1982-1985 Thus, Moi's initial 'Evangelical presidency' (1978'Evangelical presidency' ( -1983, similar to the initial stages of Zambia's Chiluba, was a morale booster to all Evangelical Christians in Kenya and across the tropical Africa. Somewhere along the way, things got out of hand and the promising moments became missed opportunities. In both the Kenyan and the Zambian cases, we have noted the danger of blind adherence to Evangelical theology in political discourses. In both cases, thus, a philosophical re-evaluation of Evangelical contribution in the politics of the land is of paramount importance. It is unfortunate that both leaders 'succumbed to the temptations that accompany positions of power and tarnished the image of Evangelicals in politics as a result' (Balcomb 2016:126). To this end, Balcomb (2016) brings out the pitfalls in South African Evangelicalism, as in the Kenyan and Zambian case, when he says, thus: In the South African context, for example, opposition to the apartheid regime by some Evangelicals translated into uncritical support for the forces of the democratic revolution which, on the other side of a changed status quo, translated into identification with the new ANC government until this also compromised them. On the other hand, those whose political quietism translated into support for the apartheid government in the name of obedience to scripture soon also found themselves thoroughly compromised with the apartheid regime. Evangelicals, in other words, have found it particularly difficult to navigate the tempestuous political waters of the sub-continent. (pp. 126-127)

Conclusion
This research article began by defining Evangelicalism as the brand of Christianity that places much emphasis on salvation through personal encounter with the risen Christ, on being 'born again', emphasis on the authority of the Bible as God's revelation to humanity, the crossing of frontiers so as to reach out to the 'lost world', conversion and proselytising practices, highlighting on inerrancy of the Bible and overt ways of expressing their Christian faiths. It also surveyed the CMS as an Evangelical strand, and then surveyed the legacies and pitfalls amongst African Evangelicals with special reference to the colonial Kenya and the post-colonial Kenya, which is the critical issue under consideration. Evangelicals in politics, the research article notes, have largely posted poor results save for Archdeacon Owen of Kavirondo (Western Kenya) who formed a political party in 1921. The Moi era in Kenya (1978Kenya ( -2002 and the Chiluba regime (1991)(1992)(1993)(1994)(1995)(1996)(1997)(1998)(1999)(2000)(2001) in Zambia had clear shortfalls that need to be addressed for posterity. Equally, extremism in the African's Muthirigu Dance, which was a theo-social protest of westernisation in all its theosocial dimensions, has also been captured. In exposing extremism on both sides of the divide, dialogue between gospel and culture (inculturation) remained a pipe dream, and hence, it is worthwhile to arrest this pitfall in the 21st century. This article has also established that the most elaborate Evangelical Movement in the 21st century is the Lausanne Movement whose vision is to take the whole gospel to the whole world. It has also demonstrated that both the colonial and post-colonial Evangelicalism have shortfalls, hence pitfalls, which need to be addressed so as to promote genuine growth in our respective areas. The challenge is to ensure that similar ideo-moral standards are applied in assessing both the African ecclesiastical (Evangelicals and non-Evangelicals) and political leaderships as a measure of mitigating the effects of power and its corrupting influences.