God, Memory and Beauty. A Manichaean Analysis of Augustine's Confessions, Book X

The article first sketches some main trends in the recent study of Augustine’s Confessions as a work aimed at Manichaean readers. It then detects and analyses the Manichaean-inspired parts in Book X of the Confessions. Augustine’s famous theory of memory seems to be directly inspired by Manichaean concepts such as found in the Coptic Manichaean Kephalaia . The article end with a number of conclusions.

some other passages, the same goes for parts of Books I, II, IV andVIII (O'Donnell 1992a: passim, 1992b: passim). Book X of the Confessions, however, being the longest book of the whole work, has been passed over in silence. We will not enter here into the issue of Augustine's composition technique, but only remark that Books I-IX focus on Augustine's past and Books XI-XIII deal with the Creation account of Genesis 1. Between these two distinct parts we find Book X, a long discourse on Augustine's present time.
A general division of Book X of the Confessions may be as follows. The first paragraphs provide an extensive introduction (X.1-7), after that Augustine commences his self-analysis (X.8-11), which is followed by his discussion of memory (X.12-28). He subsequently deals with the quest for the happy life and for God (X.29-40), discusses the temptations of human life (X.41-64), and concludes the book by looking back on his inquiry (X.65-66). His very final reflection is on man's reconciliation with God (X.67-70).

Analysis of the opening passage (Confessions X.1)
As a rule, and in accordance with classical practice, Augustine indicates the theme of a work or book at its beginning. Looking for clues to find the central theme of Book X, we read its first paragraph: At first glance these sentences are quite normal in the context of the work. Augustine confesses that all his hope and joy is in God. Moreover, as is typical for his writing, he intersperses his words with biblical quotes.
A closer look at the opening passage, however, may provide some clues in regard to the specific audience addressed. Previous research has indicated that the intended audience of the Confessions is by no means one-dimensional. Apart from the traditional servi dei (Brown 2000:153), being the spiritually advanced 'servants of God' and the peers of Augustine the bishop and writer, there is a broad spectrum of possible readers, that is, people to be converted to (Catholic) Christianity, recently converted Catholics, Catholic Christians under pressure of Manichaean proselytising, and Manichaeans of diverse rank and conviction. 3 An important indicator may be the fact that in the immediately preceding Books VIII and IX the Manichaeans and their opinions are addressed directly (e.g. Augustinus,Confessionum libri XIII VIII,22 & IX,9) and that in the Books XI-XIII we find a Genesis exegesis closely connected with Manichaean questions. Thus, something Manichaean might be expected in Book X as well.
A first clue seems to be Augustine's speaking of knowledge in the opening sentence. Manichaeism is a form of Gnosticism and claims to supply saving knowledge. This knowledge (γνῶσις, Coptic sayne) is often specified as 'the knowledge of truth ' (e.g. Allberry 1938:6, line 23) or 'the knowledge of thy (sc. Jesus' or Mani's) hope (ἐλπίς)' (Allberry 1938:85, line 25). In a Manichaean text it is stated that 'the youth' (a manifestation of the redeeming Christ figure) reveals itself and that its knowledge and truth and wisdom illuminate the soul. 4 Augustine's speaking of knowledge, by means of a quote from the well-known Pauline letter 1 Corinthians, 5 may be considered as indicative. Here we may have a first indication of the subject matter of Book X.
As we have just seen, the Manichaeans claim that Christ's knowledge and truth and wisdom illuminate the soul. Augustine's text continues by saying: 'Power of my soul, enter into it and prepare it for yourself, so that you may have and hold it without spot or wrinkle.' 'Without spot and wrinkle' is reminiscent of Ephesians 5:27 and, moreover, calls to mind the image of a bride. In the Manichaean Psalm-Book both the Church (ἐκκλησία) and the soul (ψυχή) are called 'bride'. 6 Manichaeism was a form of Christian mysticism, and I still think that the most important impetus of Augustine's own mysticism came from his Manichaean past (cf. Van Oort 1994:126-142, esp. 142). Be that as it may, here we see that his words strongly parallel Manichaean mystical concepts. This observation is all the more valid, because Christ is specified here as virtus, power. 7 According to Manichaean doctrine, following Paul in 1 Corinthians 1:24, Christ is the wisdom and power of God (see e.g. Faustus, in Contra Faustum Manichaeum XX, 2).
The next sentence is remarkable as well: 'This is my hope, therefore I speak (cf. Ps 116:10), and in this hope do I rejoice when I rejoice sanum [healthfully].' In the past the adverb sanum attracted attention. 8 The uncommon word seems to be used here on purpose. Why? In the Confessions, as in Augustine's other writings, the Manichaeans are the insani, the mad ones (e.g. Augustinus, Confessionum libri XIII IX.8;3.Kotze (2008:188 4. Allberry (1938:105, lines 27-28): 'thy knowledge/and thy truth and thy wisdom illumine the soul.' 5.That is, also well-known to the Manichaeans (see e.g. Böhlig 2013:198-199 The next sentence is rather obscure. Already its translation causes difficulties, but perhaps we may render it as: The other things of this life are the less to be wept for, the more they are wept for; and the more to be wept for, the less they are wept for. Does Augustine refer to his weeping for Monnica in Book IX? But which meaning does he put on this? On the other hand, weeping is an essential element in Mani's religion (see esp. Pedersen 1996:113-115, 200-222 Deo, and (2) in his writing before many witnesses. Keywords in the passage are truth (veritatem, eam, eam) and knowledge (cognoscam, cognitor, cognoscam, cognitus) and both concepts remind one of the story of Augustine's making acquaintance with Manichaeism in Confessions 3.10. Truth and knowledge are closely related in Manichaeism, for the Manichaean Elect gains knowledge of eternal truth. It seems quite likely that Augustine, who starts here a new section of his writing, 12 uses these words on purpose. They are pointers to direct the reader's mind towards the writer's intention. Augustine is a converted person, known by God (sicut ego et cognitus sum), and after his conversion comes the transformation of the inner self. 13 The essence of this transformation is indicated as 'coming to the light' and, in the following chapters of Book X, initiated by self-analysis. As seems to be the case in the programmatic introductory paragraph, the terms used in this analysis of the inner self may invoke elements of his Manichaean past.

Beginning the search for God in memory (Confessions X.7ff.)
Explicit terms that might call up Manichaean matters are sparse in the immediately following paragraphs. Although terms like abyss (abyssus X.2), hidden (occultus X.2) or groaning (gemitus X.2) were well known in Manichaean circles, there seems no reason for ascribing a particular Manichaean meaning to them. The same may go for Christ addressed as 'physician of my most intimate self' (medice meus intime X.3), although it should be noted that such designation is typical of both Augustine (see e.g. Arbesmann 1954a:623-629, 1954b:1-28; Eijkenboom 1960) and the Manichaeans (see e.g. Arnold-Döben 1978:98ff.;Böhlig 1980:247, 249, 255ff.). The immediate context, however, does not provide an indication that the expression should be labelled as 'Manichaean'. 14 There is a hint at his former co-religionists when Augustine, in his long prayer, says to God that he knows 'that You cannot be in any way subjected to violence' (X.7). 15 We often find this notion in the Confessions, as some standard repertoire of anti-Manichaean polemic.
The following sections, however, deserve specific attention. After having stated in X.7 that he, being a human person, does not fully know himself, Augustine continues in X.8 by first expounding that the love of God, whose nature is superior to all things, is acquired by the knowledge of the senses. The text of X.8 runs:

God and the five senses
Augustine's quest for God as the object of his love is described in terms which denote that God is not to be conceived physically, that is not in a physical-material way such as the Manichaeans do. Still in about 400, when Augustine wrote this part of the Confessions, his Gnostic past was at the forefront of his mind.
But the passage in which Augustine commences his selfanalysis deserves more attention.  25 In view of the fact that Manichaean religious practice was so sensory because of its concept of God as physical Light substance, it seems quite likely that in his speaking of God, that is, in his very theo-logy, Augustine is influenced by the Manichaeans' manner of speaking.
Such may already be observed in the next sentences. Although Augustine rejects the idea that direct knowledge of God can be attained via the physical senses, he retains the scheme of the five senses in order to know God. Instead of the physical senses he speaks of their spiritual counterparts. God is a certain light, voice, odour, food and embrace which is sensed by the inner person. The scheme of the five senses (sight, hearing, smell, taste, touch) in order to know God is retained, but clearly in a non-material way: God is sensed by the inner person. Both the material and, as its counterpart, the explicitly non-material manner of speaking seems to be inspired by Manichaean thinking and, moreover, aimed at Manichaean readers in particular. There is, however, another interesting and even essential aspect. As a rule Manichaeism is considered as representing only a material world view that is only involved with physical substances. Interesting passages in the Kephalaia demonstrate this view to be one-sided. 26 Firstly, there is a passage in which Mani himself is said to have spoken of the (internal) intellectual qualities of consideration, counsel, insight, thought and mind through which the soul ascends to the Father and the aeons of glory. 27 Such a passage clearly demonstrates that there is the idea of an internal and mental process of salvation. Besides, many Kephalaia speak of the work of the Light Mind -a Manichaean concept which is close (and probably even identical) to the general Christian concept of the Holy Spirit. 28 For instance in Kephalaion XXXVIII 29 it is stated that, according to Mani, this Light Mind or Νοῦς enters into the Elect and transforms 'the old man' into 'the new man' 30 by freeing the five intellectual qualities of mind, thought, insight, counsel and consideration. In this way the Manichaean Elect is transformed into 'a new man', which transformation purifies his spiritual intellect so that he can ascend in his heart 31 to God the Father. 32 There even seems to be a text in which God is described as consisting of five great light limbs (μέλη), whilst each of these limbs is connected with an element (light, perfume, voice, etc.) that can be perceived by one of the five senses. 33 As far as I am aware, therefore, the just analysed passage of Confessions X.8 has an evident Manichaean flavour. In the following paragraphs both Manichaean and anti-Manichaean elements may be detected as well. 34 Augustine continues his argument by stating that even 'sensing' God with his spiritual faculties does not provide real knowledge of God. One has to delve deeper. Is God the life of the body? This idea is rejected as well: God is not this, but the vitae vita, the life of life (X.10). Neither is He the mind (animus), for also animals have a mind and they also perceive through the body.

God and memory: Confessions X.12-13 and Kephalaion 56 compared
Augustine continues by asking: Is God then to be found in my memory? We will not follow his full train of thought in this 26.See the Kephalaia, in Polotsky and Böhlig (1940). For my observations I am fully dependent on Gardner (1995).

29.See the
Unfortunately the text is rather defective.
34.See, for example, Augustine's speaking of the 'fores carnis meae' in Confessionum libri XIII X.9. The opinion in X.10 that those who are of sound mind (quibus integer sensus est) are those who, like Augustine, hear truth speaking: 'Your God is not earth or heaven or any physical body' (veritas dicit enim mihi: non est deus tuus terra et caelum neque omne corpus) seems to be directed against Manichaean thinking.
regard, but in particular look at his terminology. Augustine's theory of memory has become world famous and it is not my intention to somehow detract from this fame. But, regarding the sources of his discussions of memory researchers are still rather vague (see e.g. O'Daly 1987;Teske 2006:148-158;O'Donnell 2004O'Donnell -2010O'Donnell :1249O'Donnell -1257. They refer to Platonic and Aristotelian influences in general terms, and also state that Augustine was influenced by eclectic philosophers like Cicero. As regards Platonism, it is of course its doctrine of recollection, still prominent in Middle Platonism and Neoplatonic thinkers like Plotinus, which is indicated as playing an important part in Augustine's considerations. With regard to Aristotelian influences, Aristotle's explanation of the nature of the soul and its relationship to the mind, and how memory proceeds, is deemed to be important. All this does not imply that Augustine himself read works of Aristotle such as De anima (in actual fact we only know of an independent study of Categories (Confessionum libri XIII IV.28), but, like much of the Platonic and, for instance, the Stoic school tradition, the Stagirite's theories seem to have reached him via doxographic works and eclectic thinkers (Stead 1986(Stead -1994. But detecting more precisely philosophical traces of influence on Augustine does not turn out to be simple. I think that one may also (and even explicitly) refer to a certain Manichaean source.
Let us read a part of the curious Manichaean text Kephalaion 56. It runs (in Gardner's [1995:146-148]  For everything that his perceptions (αἰσθήτηρια) and elements (στοιχεῖα) will receive externally there are internal storehouses (ταμιεῖα) and repositories (ἀποθήκη) and cavities (σπήλαιον); and what is received in to them is stored in them. Whenever they will be questioned about what is deposited in their internal storehouses (ταμιεῖα), they bring out what they have received within and give it to the questioner (ἀπαιτητής) who requested it of them.
138, 30 In this way his faculty (Ἐνθύμησις) 37 ... outer limbs (μέλος) to look at ... every type within ... also the faculty (Ἐνθύμεσις) of the eyes has houses and cavities (σπήλαιον) and repositories (ἀποθήκη) and stores within, so that every image it might see, whether good or evil, whether loveable or detestable or lustful (ἐπιθυμία), it can receive into its storehouses (ταμιεῖα) and repositories (ἀποθήκη). Also, when the faculty (Ἐνθύμησις) of the eyes is pleased to send out the image that it saw and took in, it can go in to its storehouses (ταμιεῖα) at the time and think and seek ... and it brings it out and gives it to the questioner (ἀπαιτητής) who requested it and the one who wanted it. Whether it be something from lust (ἐπιθυμία) ... or an image of love or ... ... something hateful. And thus shall that faculty (Ἐνθύμησις) [of the eyes] produce and do what it does in each category.

35.Italics, bold and the addition of
Greek key terms in round brackets and words in square brackets are mine; ... indicate the lacunae in the manuscript. Cf. the original edition in Polotsky and Böhlig (1940:138-140).
36. Gardner (1995:146-148): that is the physical and mental senses are distributed in the appropriate places throughout the body.

139,15
The faculty (Ἐνθύμησις) of the ears has its own storehouses (ταμιεῖα) also. Every sound it might receive, whether good or evil, shall be taken in and placed in its houses and inner repositories (ἀποκήθη), and it is guarded in its [storehouses (ταμιεῖα)] ... for a thousand days. After a thousand days, if someone comes and asks that faculty (Ἐνθύμησις) about the sound that it heard at this time and took into its storehouses (ταμιεῖα), immediately it shall go into its repositories (ἀποθήκη) and seek and review and search after this word, and send it out from where it was first put, the place in which it was kept.
139, 25 In like order, the faculty (Ἐνθύμησις) of scent shall function just as that of the eyes and that of the auditory organs. Every odour it shall smell it shall take in to it and deposit in its inner storehouses (ταμιεῖα). Every time it will be asked by a questioner, it shall go in ... and ... storehouse (ταμιεῖα) and remember ... only these things.
140, 1 However, even the mouth and the tongue within it, and the taste organ, have a faculty dwelling in them.
140, 3 Again, that faculty (Ἐνθύμησις) too, of taste, has thus cavities (σπήλαιον) and repositories (ἀποθήκη) set apart for it. It too receives these tastes and gathers them in. And at any moment when someone will ask of a taste, if ... it shall send it out and remember that taste. It shall snare and give even the mark of that taste; give its memory to the questioner who asks for it.
140, 10 Again, the faculty (Ἐνθύμησις) of touch by the hands is also so: When it might touch, touch shall receive its memory.
And it takes it in to its inner repository (ἀποθήκη) until someone will ask this faculty (Ἐνθύμησις) for the memory. Immediately, it shall go in again and bring out the memory of this touch that it made, and give it to whoever asks for it.
140, 16 And the faculty (Ἐνθύμησις) of the heart that rules over them all is much the most like this. Every thing that these five faculties (Ἐνθύμησις) will receive and put in store (παραθήκη, depositum) for the faculty (Ἐνθύμησις) of the heart it shall receive and guard. Any time that they will ask for their deposit it shall send out and give every thing that they gave to it. Of course one might say that all these parallels are coincidental and that, in actual fact, they are due to a common philosophical-rhetorical tradition. There was a strong philosophical and rhetorical tradition indeed, and for Augustine's whole theory of memory and the role of the five senses reference can be made to classical authors like Cicero, (perhaps) Aristotle, and some others. So we might say that also Mani (or his famous disciple Addai/Adimantus, if he is the real author of the Kephalaia) participated in that common tradition as well. And that, via this way, as a Manichaean, Augustine may have been influenced as well.
But apart of all these striking parallels with Augustine's textparallels I could not find in any other classical author -there is more. Augustine's theory of the five senses as the basis of memory is incomplete without his speaking of a certain sixth sense which governs (praesidet) the other senses. This is the sensus interior. Augustine briefly speaks of it in Confessions I.31 and in particular in the second book De libero arbitrio (II,(9)(10)

God and Beauty (Confessions X.38)
One should note that, until now, Augustine has spoken of finding God in his memory filled (or: nourished, fuelled) by the senses. But, so he says, this does not apply to my first becoming acquainted with God. In his inward search he went the way beyond memory and even beyond his rational mind (animus).
Augustine then arrives at the perhaps most famous passage in the Confessions: he tells of the moment he found God. The passage, in my view, is only fully understandable within a Manichaean context. Not only in Platonic texts (cf. Plotinus, Enneads I.6), but in particular in Manichaean texts God is time and again mentioned as being beautiful, fair, bright. 38 Once Augustine tried to find God outwardly, 'he plunged into those fair things created by God.' By then he himself was deformis, that is, 'deformed', typically the word he also uses in Confessions IV.31 when he described his Manichaean past. 39 In X.38 the search for God in memory thus reaches its culmination and end:

Conclusions
Here, at this climactic point, we stop our analysis of the first part of Confessions X, leaving the remaining paragraphs (X.39-70) a subject of future research. Yet, the famous passage Sero te amavi also is the quite natural ending of Augustine's dealing with the theme of God, Memory and Beauty. It is at this juncture that we may wind up with some provisional conclusions.
Firstly, it is crystal clear that Hippo's bishop, when writing Book X some years after 400, still has his former coreligionists at the forefront of his mind. To a certain extent they determined his manner of reasoning and, perhaps even the theme he is dealing with.
Secondly, apart from many small reminiscences, pivotal notions such as Augustine's concepts of God, Memory and Beauty are strongly influenced by Manichaean concepts, mostly in an anti-thetical manner, but in a positive thetical way as well. Fourthly, this getting acquainted with Manichaean teaching had a deep effect not only on Augustine, but via his immense influence on our whole intellectual history. Or, stated otherwise, essentials of 'Western' thought on memory in particular, but also on the concept of God as being Beauty, appear to go back to Mani's teaching.